For Hamas, an end to Gaza's tunnel trade may be only the beginning
As Israel eases the Gaza blockade, Hamas is positioned to strengthen its grip on the Gaza Strip. The Gaza tunnel trade that thrived under the blockade provided tax revenues and helped Hamas stay firmly in control.
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At this point, it remains unclear how loosened restrictions will affect Hamas's tax revenues. For the time being, cigarettes and fuel remain in short supply, so Hamas continues to collect taxes on what is smuggled in.Skip to next paragraph
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“We depend on help from the outside,” says Mr. Oweida. “Where else would we get it from?"
Widespread poverty a hurdle to development
Without external support, Gaza's widespread poverty would stop many residents from access to most basic services like healthcare and electricity. Officials at Gaza’s electric company say they cannot afford to buy more fuel for the power plant in part because so few Gazans can pay their utility bills. The plant’s fuel shortfall has made daily 8-hour rolling blackouts a fact of life.
Likewise, Mahmoud Zahar, Gaza director of the World Health Organization, says a shortage of medicine and medical supplies – everything from cancer treatments to the antidote for scorpion poison - is partially caused by the cash-strapped government’s inability to pay for them.
“People don’t have the means to pay their bills or their taxes and donations from the international community cannot pay for everything,” he says.
Building an economy without Israel
Over the years of blockade, Hamas has tried to create what its leaders call a “resistance economy” to break Gaza’s cycle of economic dependence on Israel, which long treated it as a captive market and source of cheap labor. The strategy seems to be equal parts smuggling tunnels and date palms, planted in anticipation of a future free from the blockade’s ban on exports.
Oweida says the government has urged farmers to cultivate land in Gaza’s former Israeli settlements, evacuated under Israel's 2005 disengagement plan. The plan is to fill the abandoned settlements with 250,000 date palms whose fruit – less costly and water-intensive than Gaza’s traditional cash crops of strawberries and flowers – can someday be exported to countries like Egypt.
Until the export ban is removed, smuggling remains the centerpiece of the resistance economy.
Amr Hamad, Executive Director of the Palestinian Federation of Industry, says the tunnels were Gaza’s economic “backbone," allowing imports of both consumer goods and raw materials that kept 20 percent of the local industries humming. Nevertheless, he says, in the long run they've done more harm than good to the economy.
“It has created a new layer of illegitimate and irresponsible businesses who have replaced legitimate businesses,” he says, estimating that 200 to 300 Hamas members have become prominent businessmen during the siege. “The legitimate men no longer control the economy.”
Those few hundred Hamas members have made some savvy investments, say business leaders, including in real estate, seaside hotels, cafes and recreation areas, and Gaza Mall, a small shopping center in Gaza City. Backing for many of these ventures is believed to come from two valuable Hamas-linked financial institutions, the Al Multazim insurance company and the Islamic National Bank, which was hit with US Treasury sanctions in March.
It remains to be seen whether Hamas's resistance economy can successfully pull Gazans out of poverty and put the government on solid footing, but some here think that may not be the point.
“Hamas is deepening its roots in the economy,” said one business leader who asked not to be named for fear of reprisals. “If in the future Hamas is ever being eliminated politically, it cannot be eliminated economically.”