Putin wins. Will Russians buy in? (+video)

"The legitimacy of Putin's win is deeply problematic," says Nikolai Petrov, an analyst with the Carnegie Center in Moscow. "Imagine an athlete who is able to choose his own competitors, appoint the judges, and establish the rules of the game. Now we're discussing whether his final score is accurate or not. Many people are not interested in having that conversation."

Powering the protest movement

It was the demand for fair elections which powered the protest movement that took to the streets following allegedly fraud-tainted December Duma elections, and opposition organizers say they will remain in the streets until that demand is realized.

"It is just unbearable to think of living with this regime for another 12 years," says Nadezhda Matyushkina, a representative of the Solidarnost anti-Kremlin public movement. "The entire process was falsified, from beginning to end. For Putin this is an 'end justifies the means' kind of victory."

 They are likely to be joined even by supporters of losing candidates who, despite having been allowed to participate in elections, complain their chances to campaign effectively were curtained and their votes were stolen.

The latest official vote tallies showed Communist Party leader Gennady Zyuganov in second place with 17.1 percent, and Mikhail Prokhorov, the billionaire oligarch and owner of the New Jersey Nets, coming third with 7.8 percent.

"Our observers in the regions say the official results are much lower than they should be," says Alexei Uzarov, press spokesman for Mr. Prokhorov. "Putin has won, we don't doubt that, but there are real questions about the difference in support between him and the other candidates. There are many questions about the vote-counting process that need to be answered."

For the unhappy, a few reforms

Meanwhile, President Medvedev has introduced a series of liberalizing reforms in recent weeks that appear designed to take the steam out of the protest movement and, perhaps, save Medvedev's personal image from the impression that he was nothing more than a "seat warmer" for Putin.

Medvedev, who has virtually dropped from public view since agreeing to step aside in Putin's favor, technically remains president until Putin is inaugurated in May.

Among other things, Medvedev has called for easing requirements for registering political parties and presidential candidates and a return to the system of electing local governors rather than imposing them by Kremlin appointment. On Monday, he ordered a judicial review of more than 30 sentences passed by Russian courts in recent years, including the controversial verdict against dissident oil tycoon Mikhail Khodorkovsky.

Another Medvedev idea is to create a public TV channel that would be truly independent of authorities and would serve to alter Russia's political culture gradually by delivering reliable information on a daily basis.

"Medvedev's moves are probably too little, too late," says Boris Kagarlitsky, a veteran left-wing activist and director of the independent Institute for the Study of Globalization and Social Movements. "These reforms had to be started much sooner. Now they won't work, because people are really angry, the crisis is growing rapidly, and these reforms are too far behind the curve. If the authorities really wanted to change things, they are desperately behind schedule." 

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