Tunisia's democracy blooms as model for Arab Spring
Smooth elections, a coalition between moderate Islamists and secularists, and an explosion of civic life are propelling Tunisia forward as a model for the Arab Spring.
On the day that President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali fled from his quarter-century of rule, there were 9,600 associations – nonprofit groups such as charities and sports clubs – across Tunisia.Skip to next paragraph
Subscribe Today to the Monitor
The number looked impressive from the outside; every conceivable corner of society seemed to have a voice.
Yet like so many freedoms during Mr. Ben Ali's regime, this pluralism was a facade.
“Unfortunately, the grand majority of them were under the control of the regime,” remembers Malek Baklouti, a lawyer who now works for the UN-funded Center of Arab Women for Training and Research. “We couldn’t really talk about a culture of [civic] associations.”
Now just 10 months since the former president fled and the Arab Spring began, civic life hasn’t just opened – it has erupted.
The political side of that story has been well told: more than 110 political parties registered in advance of Tunisia’s first democratic vote on Oct. 23. But behind the scenes, a parallel opening was emerging in the fourth estate.
Roughly 1,000 associations have also been created since January, ranging from women’s and human rights groups to youth initiatives.
“Under Ben Ali, nobody was talking,” says Bechir Bouraoui, founder of Generation Tunisie Libre (Generation Free Tunisia). “Now, everyone wants to talk.”
Simple as it may sound, this newly open conversation is perhaps the most important change Tunisia has seen in recent months. For democracy to work in this small North African country of 10 million, it won’t just be about building the machinery to cast votes – there were elections, though flawed, under Ben Ali. Equally important will be citizens’ desire to remain engaged with the process.
The civic explosion here stands in stark contrast to other countries touched by the Arab Spring.
In Egypt, community organizations are under fire: several dozen NGOs are under investigation for treason in what Human Rights Watch has called a move by the transitional military government to “restrict rights and democracy groups.”
In Yemen and Syria, still in the throes of revolution, nongovernmental associations are still largely ad hoc and underground. And in Libya, immediate humanitarian needs and reconstruction efforts will likely trump organizations’ priorities in the short term.
New groups, new voices
By contrast, Tunisia looks well on its way to a vibrant, participatory democracy.
In the lead-up to the vote to elect a body that will write its new constitution, countless new associations worked to educate voters, enumerate the issues, and push causes.
They traveled in caravans of buses and vans across the country; they set up websites and organized meetings. Activists say they’ll keep up their conversation in the government formed by the Islamist party Al Nahda, which took 40 percent of the seats and is expected to govern in coalition with two secular parties.
The influx of new voices has impressed even the most experienced activists here. Khadija Cherif, secretary general of the International Federation for Human Rights in Tunisia, says she has been astounded by the change. “People who had never done anything before now all want to invest and play their role as a citizen,” she says. “That’s extraordinary.”
“There is a lot of cacophony. But that’s natural … and it’s fantastic to see,” says Philippa Neave, who works with local associations through the United Nations Development Program (UNDP). “We had zillions and zillions of civil society associations just come out of nowhere.”
Twenty-somethings come to life
Many of the newcomers are 20-something.
After the revolution, the thousands of young men and women who had taken to the streets had two choices: go back to their normal lives or organize. Countless chose the former, returning to studies or work with a calm that has allowed the country to function despite obvious vacuums of power. But there were some who had lived the changes so vividly that they couldn’t go back – including Bouraoui and his peers.