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Kingston manhunt for Dudus Coke continues as death toll hits 74

The Jamaican police manhunt for alleged drug lord Dudus Coke, which has 74 dead in Kingston fighting, continued Thursday. If Mr. Coke is caught, will it change the role of Jamaica's criminal dons?

By Staff writer / May 27, 2010

Residents gather outside their bullet-riddled home during a media tour organized by government authorities inside the Tivoli Gardens neighborhood in Kingston, Thursday. The reputed drug kingpin who was the target of the raids may have fled the country. The raid left nearly 50 people dead in four days of gun battles.

Rodrigo Abd/AP

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Jamaican Prime Minister Bruce Golding's about face on a US request to extradite alleged drug lord and Shower Posse gang leader Christopher "Dudus" Coke last week has so far left 67 dead in Kingston fighting, raised questions about the criminal ties of Golding's ruling Jamaica Labour Party (JLP), and raised civil society demands for an investigation of police brutality.

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Some flights to tourism-dependent Jamaica have been canceled and relations with the United States, a close ally and benefactor, have been strained. But the one thing the bloody manhunt has not delivered has been its object: Mr. Coke.

Jamaican media reported that Kingston's so-called garrison community of Tivoli Gardens, which was a war zone earlier in the week, was calmer today, amid rumors that Coke had slipped through the police cordon and escaped. Some 500 people have been arrested in the police raids.

Most of the dead so far have been presumed to be gunmen loyal to Coke, the unofficial leader, or don, of Tivoli, who is wanted in the US on drug dealing and gun running charges. But the Jamaican police have a history of firing indiscriminately when inside Kingston's tight, warren-like slums. The Gleaner daily newspaper reported that an unarmed brother of a former Minister of Commerce was killed by police in a botched raid searching for Coke overnight.

The human rights body of the Organization of American States expressed concern about the violence on Thursday, and called on Jamaica to "conduct a diligent, effective, and impartial investigation of these events." In a statement, the group hinted at concerns over the "excessive" use of force by Jamaican police and soldiers: "State agents may employ lethal force only in exceptional cases, in which direct or imminent danger... could cause the death of the agent himself or of another person."

History of police brutality

Jon Silverman, author of Crack of Doom, a book on the rise of Jamaica's drug gangs and now a professor of media and criminal justice at the University of Bedfordshire in the United Kingdom, recalls helping to film a BBC documentary in the 1990s in Kingston police stations. "They didn't seem particularly concerned to clean the blood from the floors and the walls before we showed up," he says. "My understanding is, not much has changed."

Kingston has had outbreaks of bloodshed like this before, with police incursions into poor neighborhoods like Tivoli greeted with hostility and defiance. Dozens of mostly unarmed civilians were killed in a 2001 police raid in Tivoli, say local residents.

Behind the violence is a nexus between the ballot box and gunmen in Jamaica that has developed since the 1970s. Both the JLP and its main rival, the People's National Party (PNP), developed relationships with gunmen who could guarantee the delivery of votes and safe seats in parliament. In exchange, government contracts were funneled their way, their communities were placed at the front of the queue for government services, and the dons were given a relatively free hand to run protection rackets and deal drugs.

Tivoli Gardens is a JLP "garrison" (the garrisons get their name for both their fortress like support for their political patrons, and for gangsters' ability to control their residents and protect themselves inside them); as Mr. Silverman pointed out in a piece for the BBC today, Tivoli delivered 99 percent of its votes to Mr. Golding's JLP in the country's 1993 elections.

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