Skip to: Content
Skip to: Site Navigation
Skip to: Search


Opinion

Obama's disappointing secrecy

He promised openness. Instead, like Bush's, his administration wants the power to keep Congress in the dark on some intelligence activities.

(Page 2 of 2)



We don't know the full extent of these programs. This poses a huge problem.

Skip to next paragraph

We hear a lot about whether the Obama administration will investigate the Bush administration for this or that abuse, torture in particular. What about the abuses we don't know about?

It is time Congress established a select committee with subpoena power to force a full accounting of activities undertaken in the name of counterterrorism.

More than that is needed though. We need a national refresher on the theory of democratic government, which tells us that secret government is always undemocratic and generally unwise.

True, secrecy prevents enemies from learning about something that damages them. In the case of intercepting e-mails or phone calls, disclosure warns terrorists dumb enough to still use those forms of communication to stop. In the case of assassination, disclosure probably doesn't much matter since terrorists are already hiding.

In practice, however, secrecy has another purpose: It protects government agencies and elected officials from the consequences of reckless or immoral decisions.

Because the public cannot hold their representatives accountable for secret acts, secret government is undemocratic. Moreover, even when Congress is informed about secret programs, or a portion of them, the programs are subject to weak checks and balances. The real overseer is the public.

Members of Congress lack much of their power when they are not permitted to talk about what they know. They can try to block funding, but the main tool for generating support for their position – publicity – is missing. That is why it is those who object to programs that leak information about them. We should thank them for it.

The requirement to justify a proposal in public requires its advocates to consider it more carefully. Debate reveals hidden assumptions and sloppy thinking. The compromise necessary to please multiple masters helps eliminate the more reckless proposals.

This is the theory of divided government that you find in The Federalist Papers. Washington commentators, particularly in national-security circles, tend to forget this, dismissing debate as partisan bickering that hinders those protecting us. But the Constitution divides power over national security to produce dissent, debate, and compromise – critical elements of a healthy democracy.

Experience bears out the theory. The history of secret government programs meant to produce security is dominated by failure and outrageous acts. Books chronicling the history of covert CIA programs, such as Tim Weiner's "Legacy of Ashes," suggest that secrecy, by shrouding bad programs from scrutiny, does more harm than good.

Rather than restrict information on intelligence agencies to an inner circle, the Obama administration should stick to its original promise of openness, and, with Congress, err on the side of openness.

Benjamin H. Friedman is a research fellow in defense and homeland security studies at the Cato Institute.

Permissions