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Why China’s middle class supports the Communist Party

Those in the West commonly believe that economic growth and a burgeoning middle class in China will lead to democratic reform. But research on China’s middle class shows its lack of opposition to the Communist regime as well as some support for the party-state.

By David S.G. GoodmanOp-ed contributor / October 22, 2013

A Chinese woman poses for photos near a sculpture depicting a Chinese yuan note in Beijing, March 15, 2012. Op-ed contributor David S.G. Goodman writes: 'Where there is criticism [of the government from China's middle class], it is a desire for greater efficiency and social justice within the current system, not a change of regime.'

Ng Han Guan/AP/File



Much is expected of China’s growing middle class. Since 2002, the Chinese Communist Party has embraced the idea of expanding the middle class so that it becomes more than half the total population by 2050 in order to encourage consumption and to ensure social stability. For China’s urban population, middle-class growth is the promise of increased prosperity and a consumer society. For the rest of the world, an expanding middle class in China suggests market demand to be fulfilled and through their understanding of social history in Europe and North America, the prospect of a democratic China.

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The common belief of the last 20 years outside China is that economic growth, a growing middle class, and the rise of entrepreneurs inevitably lead to democracy. Everyone knows democratic countries do not go to war with each other, and that a democratic China means thereby less of a "China threat."

The China threat may indeed disappear, but this is unlikely to be because of a rising middle class. The problems with these various equations are that different meanings of the middle class have been elided, even though they may have nothing in common. However it is conceptualized, the middle class in China is actually small despite the current rhetoric. And last but by no means least, China’s socio-political experience is not that of Europe or North America. The middle class in China remains an essential part of the state from which it has emerged and is not very likely to be the Chinese equivalent of the European or North American bourgeoisie with whom it is often equated.

The middle class has at various times been many things, and it makes little sense to equate the bourgeoisie, the professional and managerial classes, the leisured classes, and the comfortably well-off, though they clearly overlap. The idea that the middle class leads to liberal democracy comes from two sources. The first was American political sociologist Barrington Moore’s interpretation of social and political change in Europe. It centered on the well-known mantra of “no bourgeoisie, no democracy.” The other was the political scientist Samuel Huntington’s much later argument that complex societies generate middle classes who demand political pluralism.

Most usually and most recently, social scientists have generally distinguished the middle class in advanced industrial societies as those whose social position comes from their possession of skills, knowledge, and experience, as opposed to the dominant class who possesses or controls economic wealth, and the subordinate classes dependent on their manual labor.

Despite appearances to the contrary, China is neither particularly advanced nor capitalist. Though economic growth has been spectacular since 1978, GDP per capita in 2013 (in purchasing power parity) is still only $9,300 in US dollars. This compares to $50,700 for the United States and $37,500 for Britain. China's 2013 GDP per capita is roughly at the same level as the Soviet Union in 1989 – $9,211 – at the height of its economic growth.

China is also not a capitalist system, despite elements of its development having capitalist characteristics. Since 1978, the People's Republic of China has been a reforming, socialist, market economy. It has elements of a redistributive economy alongside and interacting with elements of a market economy. There is a vast and growing marketized sector of the urban economy, and market forces have impacted the operation of the public sector. At the same time, though, the state sector and the redistributive economy have remained politically superior.

The public sector now only produces about 25 percent of GDP, but the remainder of economic production is not private, though often regarded as such. There is some private enterprise, but the majority of enterprises are public-private hybrid enterprises. This is even true of the foreign-invested enterprises that contribute 15 percent of GDP. And even leaving the public-private enterprises aside, some 25 percent of all enterprises registered as private enterprises are in fact owned by state-owned parent companies.

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