The ritual burning of the US flag is not going to stop. Nor will the chants - especially on Iranian revolutionary anniversaries - of "Death to America."

Unlike every other presidential candidate who hinted at a thaw in relations, to appeal to the majority of Iranians who say they want better US ties, hard-line president-elect Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said Iran "has no significant need" for the US.

But beneath the anti-US façade is a nation that has much in common with its stated nemesis - from an ambitious self-image and public reliance on the divine, to a habit of often defining itself in terms of its enemies.

In some ways, the duel is between two peoples who hold national pride and their own brand of manifest destiny above all else. The result is a clash over nuclear and national ambitions, which both might better understand if they held up a mirror.

Certain factions within Iran and the US have a "common mind-set," says Javad Vaeidi, editor of the conservative Diplomatic Hamshahri newspaper. "They look at the world in black and white; they think they have a duty from God and are on a mission ... and both people [Iranians and Americans] think they are emperor of the world." [Editor's note: The original version could have been read to refer to the leaders instead of the people.]

In front of the mosque where Mr. Ahmadinejad prays every Friday, the perspective on the US as "Great Satan" is manifest by a large American flag painted on the street, where it is daily trampled upon.

"I painted it to confront despotism and authoritarianism," says Saleh, the bearded law student who put it there two years ago. "We know the identity of America. We know what is behind the screen."

Iranians do indeed know - and recognize - much about America, analysts here say. "The American people like this crazy man [Bush], because he says, 'I will defend and secure this nation,' " said Mr. Vaeidi in an interview done well before the current election. "Iranians are similar because they are willing to support any mad adventurer to keep their safety and security." [Editor's note: The original version failed to mention the interview took place prior to the election.]

That dynamic alone can put Washington and Tehran at odds. But it is no secret here that the Iranian people may be the most pro-US nation in the Middle East.

A poll secretly commissioned by a parliamentary committee in 2002 found that nearly two-thirds of Iranians supported détènte. That led to the jailing of one pollster who was, ironically, a student during the 1979 Islamic Revolution, and who helped plot the US Embassy takeover.

Americans are constantly greeted by Iranians on the streets with handshakes, kisses, and hugs. Declarations of warmth toward the American people are just as common. Still, this election prompted a new round of mutual taunts.

The Bush administration, which includes Iran in the "axis of evil," preemptively dismissed the vote as a sham, saying that power remained in the hands of unelected leaders who "spread terror across the world." Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld decried the "mock election," saying that Ahmadinejad is "no friend of democracy ... no friend of freedom."

Iran's supreme religious leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, countered that the election - with nearly 60 percent turnout - taught the US a lesson. "Despite its babbling, your enemy is now humiliated deep inside," he said. A hard-line paper referred to "the bloodied face of Uncle Sam."

Some Iranians said Bush's comments prompted them to vote. Several winked when attributing Bush's words to "one hard-line theocracy helping out another."

"There are three ideological capitals, in Tehran, Tel Aviv, and Washington," says Saeed Laylaz, a political analyst. "They are apparently against each other, but they love each other. They need each other. We need a foreign enemy to control the country."

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