What the 'Downing Street' memos show

Nor did the document offer details of what intelligence was being fixed around what policy. Over the last year, a series of US studies have offered scathing conclusions about the poor nature of prewar US intelligence, and its uses.

A second memo, published in the Times of London on June 12, concluded only that US government military planning for action against Iraq was "proceeding apace."

This memo, produced for British cabinet's consideration at a July 22, 2002, meeting, reiterated the point that the US appeared to have given little thought to a war's aftermath. "In particular, little thought has been given to creating the political conditions for military action, or the aftermath and how to shape it," concluded the memo's uncredited author.

This second document appears to contradict somewhat the insistence of the first that military action was "inevitable." But it was prescient in its view of what might happen in the months after victory. "A postwar occupation of Iraq could lead to a protracted and costly nation-building exercise. As already made clear, the US military plans are virtually silent on this point," said the July 22 cabinet memo.

A series of other leaked memos reported at various times in the British press has added context and supplied detail to these two main papers.

Neither Washington nor London has challenged the authenticity of any of the Downing memos. But both Bush and Blair have said that they do not reflect the full facts of war planning.

As they reflect a uniquely British view of Washington actions, the papers provide interesting insight into the general relationship of two old allies.

The British seemed confident that they have some leverage to influence the Bush administration's course of action. A March 22, 2002, memo from British Foreign Office political director Peter Ricketts claims that by sharing Bush's broad objective, Blair can "help shape how it is defined" and the approach to achieving it. "He can help Bush make good decisions by telling him things his own machine probably isn't," wrote Mr. Ricketts.

Indeed, throughout the memos, the Bush administration is depicted as being dismissive of the need for UN Security Council approval for an Iraq war. The implication is that the final push for a UN stamp of approval was the result of pressure from London.

But the officials drawing up the memos were far from omniscient. An options paper summary notes that, following the invasion, a representative Iraqi government would likely be led by Sunnis, not Iraq's Shitte Muslim majority.

Nor did they rely entirely on quiet lunches and dinners with the inner circle of powerful Washington officials. A March 14 memo from Blair's chief foreign policy adviser, Tony Manning, describes a meal with Condoleezza Rice, then head of the National Security Council, but also refers to an attached article by Seymour Hersh, a New Yorker magazine journalist who helped expose Abu Ghraib prison abuses.

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