Teflon general for president?
General Wiranto failed to prevent violent outbreaks across the country.
In many other countries, General Wiranto would have been fired several times over in the past year. But in Indonesia, he may be in for the ultimate promotion.
Wiranto, defense minister and commander of Indonesia's armed forces, failed to contain massive riots in the capital, deadly clashes on the major islands, and a wave of crime that swept the archipelago after Asia's economic crisis hobbled the country in 1997. He has let all but a handful of soldiers walk free, even as his troops killed dozens of unarmed protesters, instigated riots, and armed gangs that terrorize civilians in the province of East Timor.
And yet Wiranto's name is mentioned time and time again as Indonesians debate who should become their new president later this year. (Like many Indonesians, he uses only one name.) Early results from Monday's parliamentary election indicate that none of the parties are likely to win a majority; thus none will be in a position to push their own candidate without a coalition. A coalition may have to look for someone who can stand above the parties, such as the sultan of Yogyakarta, a noted Muslim scholar, or Wiranto.
Several small parties have already named the general as their choice for president, while three of the largest parties are considering him for the vice presidency, at least. Wiranto has not ruled out his own nomination.
Some admire Wiranto's handsome looks and the calm authority that comes with the job of commanding 500,000 soldiers and police. Presidential aides say that President B.J. Habibie was charmed by Wiranto's singing talent, while others were impressed by his skill at playing bridge.
Not a power grabber
Wiranto won some praise last year for resisting the temptation to seize power when former President Suharto resigned, instead supporting Mr. Habibie's succession. He has initiated reforms in the military and largely stayed above the fray of election politics. He has presided over the reduction of the military's guaranteed seats in parliament, from 75 to 38, and appears to have no objection to the seats being phased out altogether. He told officers who hold government posts to choose between the military or civil service. This overlap was dubbed "dual function" under Mr. Suharto's rule, and now Wiranto has made it clear he wants the armed forces to focus on its traditional function only.
But Wiranto's main appeal has little to do with himself. One reason he is so popular is that the very unrest he has failed to prevent has fed nostalgia for the law and order of authoritarian rule.
"We still need to be ruled by an iron hand," says one Indonesian businesswoman. "This country is not ready for democracy. [Wiranto] seems to be pretty popular with the strongest parties."
However, for many Indonesians who have put high hopes on the first democratic elections in 44 years, Wiranto is unpalatable. "The idea of having a general as head of state is really frightening," says Mochtar Buchori, deputy chairman of the Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle (PDI-P), an early front-runner that is headed by presidential hopeful Megawati Sukarnoputri. Says Lt. Gen. Hari Sabarno, chairman of the military's special faction in parliament, "He is military, and the military is not so popular anymore. The other psychological factor is that he used to be an adjutant of Suharto."
The name of Wiranto is missing in even recent books on Indonesia's military or the local Who's Who. He has little battle experience but shot up the ranks after he served as adjutant to Suharto from 1989 to 1993.
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