Netanyahu navigates anger and distrust as he leads an Israel at war

This past week Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu did something he hadn’t done for months: take questions from the local media.

It was only the latest in a string of signs that the country’s longest-serving premier is under immense political strain after Hamas’ brutal Oct. 7 attack and the outbreak of war in Gaza.

As expected, much of the questioning by the gathered press Saturday night focused on Mr. Netanyahu’s continued refusal to take responsibility for lapses that preceded the devastating assault, which claimed the lives of 1,400 Israelis, the vast majority civilians, and led to Hamas’ seizure of over 200 hostages.

All of Israel’s security chiefs have publicly shouldered blame for an event considered the worst intelligence and military failure in the country’s history. But when queried about his own role, Mr. Netanyahu, as he has done for weeks, said simply, “After the war everyone will have to give answers, myself included.”

Such deflection is a sign, analysts maintain, that he intends to fight to retain his post as public anger grows – with not only the Hamas attack but also its aftermath, including what many Israelis say is inadequate government support and assistance.

Relatives of those Israelis being held hostage in Gaza are also increasing their public campaign for the return of their loved ones, demanding the government prioritize that above even its war aim of “destroying” Hamas.

Beyond public anger appears to be declining faith, too, in a leader who long presented himself as the one to trust on Israel’s security.

In a recent poll by the Israel Democracy Institute, 55% of Jewish Israelis said they trusted the heads of the military more than Mr. Netanyahu to conduct the war, with only 7% preferring Mr. Netanyahu. Even among his right-wing base of support, only 10% of respondents said they trusted the prime minister more than the military chiefs.

Much is at stake. Israel says 19 of its soldiers have been killed this week in ground combat against Hamas in Gaza, while the toll among Palestinians has been put at some 9,000 since Oct. 7. Exchanges of fire with Hezbollah are persisting in the north, and violence has been raging in the West Bank.

“Netanyahu suffered an extremely big [political] blow on Oct. 7,” says Tal Shalev, chief political correspondent for Walla News. “Just like the war itself, his political future is also shrouded in ‘fog’ and uncertainty. But it’s likely a fantasy, for now, to replace him mid-war.”

The blow Mr. Netanyahu suffered is unmistakable. An opinion survey released last weekend by the Maariv daily showed his Likud party cratering in the polls, losing over a third of its support. For the first time ever, Benny Gantz, a centrist opposition rival and former military chief, surpassed him by 20 points on the question of suitability to be prime minister.

In a sign of both national unity and urgent need, Mr. Gantz and his party joined Mr. Netanyahu’s coalition in an “emergency government” early last month and are helping lead the war against Hamas. By every metric, analysts say, Mr. Netanyahu hasn’t been this unpopular in over 15 years.

Yet he is attempting to fight back – though often with mixed results.

In yet another press conference this week with the foreign media, a tired-looking Mr. Netanyahu was asked directly if he would consider resigning.

“The only thing that I intend to have resign is Hamas. We’re going to resign them to the dustbin of history,” the usually loquacious prime minister responded flatly. “This is my responsibility now.”

Deflecting blame, then apologizing

A few days prior, however, Mr. Netanyahu issued a late-night post on social media attacking his own security chiefs for the failures of Oct. 7. By morning, Mr. Gantz and other leading politicians demanded he retract the message, widely viewed as both shameful and harmful in the midst of war.

Mr. Netanyahu relented, deleting the post and then issuing a rare apology.

“This is part of his battle to frame the narrative and survive, placing the entire blame on the defense establishment. He and his people are working on it constantly,” says Ms. Shalev, who adds that selective assessments from past security briefings are already being leaked to the media in a bid to make Mr. Netanyahu look better.

After the initial shock of Oct. 7, Mr. Netanyahu was rarely seen publicly, although he now appears to have regained his political footing, taking pictures with soldiers in the field and meeting with select groups of hostages’ families. But he has yet to venture out to meet the public at large, and likely for good reason.

Wednesday night, on prime-time television, Tamir Idan, head of the Sdot Negev Regional Council near the Gaza border, publicly announced his resignation from the Likud.

In a letter directly addressed to Mr. Netanyahu that he read on-air, Mr. Idan blasted the government for the lack of support to his residents, forced from their homes in the wake of the Hamas assault and the ongoing rocket fire into southern Israel.

Over 1,000 residents, Mr. Idan said, were in hotels across the country, funded not by the government but by private donations and foundations.

“I call here on all my friends, members of the Likud Central Committee, to take a similar step, in view of this incredible failure,” he added.

Nearly a month after the outbreak of hostilities, with an estimated 200,000 Israelis from the south and north displaced, and with an economy severely impacted by the call-up of hundreds of thousands of reservists, the government has yet to fully spring into action.

Multiple business owners and regular employees affected by the war have yet to receive any financial assistance or benefits, despite Mr. Netanyahu’s vows last week to “dig deep into our pockets.”

On Tel Aviv’s trendy Dizengoff Street this week, Pankina, an Italian restaurant, was bustling with activity, but not customers. Two dozen people were cutting up vegetables and fruit, preparing meals for soldiers, and soliciting donations for the war effort. Shlomo, an Italian Jewish immigrant and close friend of the restaurant owner, was coordinating.

“Everyone here is a volunteer, and the only money we receive are either from donations or charities. The government isn’t involved,” he says. “The restaurant hasn’t received any government support and neither has the staff. No one knows when they’ll be back at work, if at all, because no one knows how long this war will go on for.”

“Pay any price” for hostages

Most impacted are the families of those still languishing in captivity. As the days pass, apprehension for their loved ones grows.

Posters with the faces of those missing, with the blaring headline “Kidnapped,” appear on every street corner across the country. The entire facade of the Tel Aviv Municipality has scrolling giant text that reads, “Bring Them Home Now!”

Chaim Peri, a farmer and peace activist in his late 70s, was seized from Kibbutz Nir Oz on the morning of Oct. 7 and is now a hostage. His son, Lior Peri, a Netanyahu critic even before that traumatic day, is adamant that the premier and his government do everything – and “pay any price” – to return his father and all the other captives.

“The trust between us and the government has been completely shattered,” Lior Peri says. “My message to Netanyahu is simple: These are Israeli citizens, and they’re your responsibility.”

The only ray of hope during this difficult period, he adds, is the incredible outpouring of strength and solidarity from Israeli society.

“It’s only the citizens that are running the country now, not the government. I believe in the power of my people. It’s changed me.”

Whether the Israeli people force Mr. Netanyahu from power is uncertain, and will likely have to wait until the conclusion of the war, says Ms. Shalev, the political correspondent.

Israel has a long history of disposing of its leaders after major military reversals. Yet Mr. Netanyahu, for now, appears safe to try to win this war. After it ends, can he survive?

“So many things have happened under [Mr. Netanyahu] that never happened before; we just don’t know,” she says.