As Toronto turns on him, few loyalists left in 'Ford Nation'

The Toronto City Council voted Friday to strip Mayor Rob Ford of most of his powers following embarrassing revelations about his drug and alcohol abuse, as well as erratic outbursts. But some members of 'Ford Nation' stand by the man they elected. 

|
Nathan Denette/The Canadian Press/AP
Toronto Mayor-elect Rob Ford, (c.), is greeted by a mob of supporters as he arrives to speak to supporters in Toronto in October 2010. When he was elected, Ford's bluster and checkered past were widely known. A plurality of voters backed him anyway, eager to shake things up at a City Hall they viewed as elitist and wasteful.

When Rob Ford was elected mayor of Toronto in 2010, his bluster and checkered past were widely known. A plurality of voters backed him anyway, eager to shake things up at a City Hall they viewed as elitist and wasteful.

Those voters — many from Toronto's conservative-leaning, working-class outer suburbs — got their wish, and perhaps more turmoil than any could have expected.

Now the loyalty of the mayor's constituency, known as Ford Nation, is being tested as he faces intense pressure to resign following sensational revelations about his drinking problems and illegal drug use, as well as repeated outbursts of erratic behavior and crude language.

The City Council voted Friday, on a 39-3 vote, to suspend Ford's authority to appoint or dismiss the deputy mayor and his executive committee, which oversees the budget. Further efforts are expected Monday to strip Ford of most of his remaining powers, though he vows to resist with court action.

Many of Ford's political allies — including most council members — are deserting him, and polls show his approval rate is down sharply from two years ago. Yet some of his loyalists want him to hang on.

"Yes, he is an embarrassment, but not a thief," said Joe Amorim, 49, a supply chain manager from the city's Little Italy area. "People are tired of smooth-talking politicians that waste public money and serve corporations and the wealthy."

That outlook is reflected on a Facebook site called "I Hate The War On Mayor Rob Ford" which praises him for trying to fulfill his campaign mantra: "Stop the gravy train."

"Everyone, including all of his voters, knew he was rough-around-the-edges and had incidents involving pot and alcohol in his past," says a summary on the site. "MAYOR FORD IS GOING NOWHERE, NOR SHOULD HE!"

Ford has been embattled since May, when there were news reports that he had been caught on video smoking crack cocaine.

Newly released court documents show that Ford became the subject of a police investigation at that point. Staffers accused the mayor of frequently drinking on the job, driving while intoxicated and making sexual advances toward a female staffer. The mayor added to the furor Thursday by using profanity while denouncing the latest allegations.

Most city councilors want Ford to step aside but lack the authority to force him out unless he is convicted of a crime.

Given that the core of Toronto — its downtown and close-in neighborhoods — has a liberal tilt, a politician like Ford probably never would have been elected mayor had it not been for an amalgamation forced on the metropolitan area in 1998 by the Conservative provincial government. Toronto, with a population of about 700,000, was merged against its will with five of its neighboring municipalities, creating a mega-city that now has 2.7 million residents.

An electoral map of the 2010 mayoral election shows that Ford's voter base resides mainly in those former suburbs. Overall, it's a more conservative constituency than the downtown electorate, encompassing many immigrants and abounding with commuters who rely on their cars rather than Toronto's less-than-comprehensive public transit system.

Some of these Ford Nation voters viewed Ford's left-of-center predecessor, David Miller, as overspending on programs favored by the downtowners — arts and culture projects, expanded bike lanes. Ford appealed to them with promises to slash spending, cut taxes and end what he called "the war on the car."

"I believe in what he stands for," said Amir Rabbani, 39, a Pakistani immigrant who lives on the northern edge of Toronto. "Nowadays, cost savings is an important issue for everyone and that's what Ford is about, saving us money and I can appreciate that."

Ford, 44, has two school-age children. He had his wife, Renata, by his side Thursday when he announced he's getting help from health care professionals. He also apologized for using coarse language to deny allegations that he once told a female staffer he wanted to have oral sex with her.

Renata Ford has mostly kept a low profile, though in 2008 she accused her husband of assault. The charges were eventually dropped. In 1999, Ford was arrested in Florida on a driving-under-the-influence charge, for which he was fined. In 2006, he was removed from a Toronto Maple Leafs hockey game after insulting fans near him; he initially denied the incident but later apologized for it.

Dennis Pilon, a professor of political science at Toronto's York University, said members of Ford Nation tended to accept such misbehavior because they liked Ford's approach to politics.

"It is a very particular group of populist voters," Pilon said. "They're hard to convince of anything because facts don't matter very much. It's about their feelings."

But Pilon and other political analysts said the events of the past week — including the lewd remarks on Thursday — may speed up an erosion of Ford's support.

"There will be a group that sticks with him, but it gets smaller and smaller," said Grace Skogstad, a professor of political science at the University of Toronto's campus in Scarborough, one of the amalgamated suburbs where Ford has been most popular.

"People who might well have voted for him again now think it would be better for him to step down," Skogstad said. "They feel very sorry for him because they can see he has serious health issues."

Kerry Barnes, a physical trainer who lives near Ford's district in west Toronto, says he'd still vote to re-elect the mayor, though he was glad that Ford has acknowledged needing professional help.

"His personal warts, he needs to address but I support what he stands for — fiduciary responsibility, debt reduction," Barnes said. "He deserves to address his issues and get help, but to come back and do his job."

A prominent Canadian pollster, Nik Nanos, said that even with such sympathy, Ford might lose support if some backers view him as politically weakened.

"Polling suggests one major part of the Ford Nation is unraveling — the folks angry at City Hall," Nanos said. "As he's mired in defending himself, it's hard for him to continue to shake things up. Now there's a hostile council looking to curtail his powers."

However, Kolter Bouchard, who works in advertising and lives near downtown Toronto, says he voted for Ford in 2010 and would do so again if the mayor seeks a second term.

"I still support him because his agenda hasn't changed: his goal has been and still is to respect taxpayers' money," said Bouchard, 41. "The reality is he has made bad choices and will continue to do so: he is a human being and, like the rest of us, makes mistakes."

Crary reported from New York. Associated Press writer Rob Gillies in Toronto contributed to this report.

You've read  of  free articles. Subscribe to continue.
Real news can be honest, hopeful, credible, constructive.
What is the Monitor difference? Tackling the tough headlines – with humanity. Listening to sources – with respect. Seeing the story that others are missing by reporting what so often gets overlooked: the values that connect us. That’s Monitor reporting – news that changes how you see the world.

Dear Reader,

About a year ago, I happened upon this statement about the Monitor in the Harvard Business Review – under the charming heading of “do things that don’t interest you”:

“Many things that end up” being meaningful, writes social scientist Joseph Grenny, “have come from conference workshops, articles, or online videos that began as a chore and ended with an insight. My work in Kenya, for example, was heavily influenced by a Christian Science Monitor article I had forced myself to read 10 years earlier. Sometimes, we call things ‘boring’ simply because they lie outside the box we are currently in.”

If you were to come up with a punchline to a joke about the Monitor, that would probably be it. We’re seen as being global, fair, insightful, and perhaps a bit too earnest. We’re the bran muffin of journalism.

But you know what? We change lives. And I’m going to argue that we change lives precisely because we force open that too-small box that most human beings think they live in.

The Monitor is a peculiar little publication that’s hard for the world to figure out. We’re run by a church, but we’re not only for church members and we’re not about converting people. We’re known as being fair even as the world becomes as polarized as at any time since the newspaper’s founding in 1908.

We have a mission beyond circulation, we want to bridge divides. We’re about kicking down the door of thought everywhere and saying, “You are bigger and more capable than you realize. And we can prove it.”

If you’re looking for bran muffin journalism, you can subscribe to the Monitor for $15. You’ll get the Monitor Weekly magazine, the Monitor Daily email, and unlimited access to CSMonitor.com.

QR Code to As Toronto turns on him, few loyalists left in 'Ford Nation'
Read this article in
https://www.csmonitor.com/World/Latest-News-Wires/2013/1116/As-Toronto-turns-on-him-few-loyalists-left-in-Ford-Nation
QR Code to Subscription page
Start your subscription today
https://www.csmonitor.com/subscribe