A few weeks ago the first comprehensive, moderate statement of a Solidarity view of post-martial law Poland emerged from the Lenin shipyard here.
It has been ignored by the Polish news media, and by the authorities as well.
Yet it was an open overture to the government seeking ''dialogue, not confrontation'' as well as a policy declaration to workers and members of the union at large.
''We want loyally to cooperate with the authorities,'' the document states. It distances its authors and the workers they represent from the militant Solidarity underground in Warsaw that has called for two weeks of protest leading up to a nationwide march Aug. 31, the second anniversary of Solidarity's founding here.
The statement gives Poland's Communist Party leader and prime minister, Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski, qualified support and credit for ''honest intentions'' in spite of his imposition of martial law.
''We want to believe that he needs time, and we call on all members to stop all kinds of demonstrations, to refrain from spreading anxiety, and honestly and solidly to perform their (work) duties.''
A copy of the declaration was made available to the Monitor here. Dated July 23, it is signed by a self-styled enterprise commission ''in the name of the old national Solidarity coordinating committee based in Gdansk.''
Members of the commission are not identified by name, although they express their wish to ''act openly.'' They sent their text to the official Polish news agency for distribution to the Polish press (and thus to the government). But none has yet mentioned it, even to criticize or challenge its content.
The statement apparently represents lengthy discussion among activists of the suspended but not delegalized Solidarity union - including workers, intellectuals, and youth groups from the whole Gdansk-Sopot-Gdynia ''triport'' region. It said it included members of the Communist Party. Conversations and contacts here left no doubt of its authenticity.
The commission describes its statement as an effort to define the scope of union activity both under present limited conditions and also ''when our union will have possibility again to function on the principles of its independent, self-governing statute.''
Its line appears to coincide with what informed people here describe as the prevailing mood among shipyard workers.
The declaration comes out firmly for the union's charter. It warns that, under the cloak of opposing ''counterrevolution,'' some in the party and the government still want ''the total destruction of our union.''
It contests the official claim that martial law was necessary to eliminate minority ''antisocialist'' dissident groups allegedly threatening the security of the state.
It suggests the real motive was to remove all ''uncomfortable'' critics of the Polish power apparatus, including the new independent unions, Solidarity and Rural Solidarity.
It repeats the moderates' former skepticism about official pledges of ''renewal'' and points out what supporters of the Jaruzelski leadership also say: There has been no ''real refreshment'' of the old power circle.
The statement goes on:
''Solidarity has not been and does not wish to be a political party. It has not been and does not want to be an antiparty, anti-government, anti-Socialist, and anti-Soviet organization.
''We want to be an independent, self-managing trade union.''
On foreign policy, the statement disavows any wish to change the existing order in Europe. ''We are realistic and we are for Poland's participation in existing alliances. We realize that any effort to change them would mean conflict on a world scale.''
The statement does not directly acknowledge the ''leading role'' of the Communist Party - the nub of initial conflict over Solidarity's charter - but it seems implicit.