A Polish leader's plea

Since September the party leadership has been trying to implement the line of agreements [with labor leaders] on Polish policy. In spite of various zig-zags, this line is binding and . . . the only sensible solution.

However, I must tell you frankly that the line of agreement is at present endangered. It is exposed to a powerful blow. . . . The line of agreement may break down because of centrifugal, radical, or irresponsible forces for whom the independence of Poland and preservation of statehood are matters of secondary importance.

There are forces in our country ready to interpret our readiness to reach agreement, continue the dialogue and compromise as encouragement to go ahead with actions designed to weaken the party to a degree where it would become a helpless toy in the hands of determined opponents.

In various parts of the country cooperation has already begun among Solidarity, party works committees or party organizations, and management.

At the same time there are forces or currents in Solidarity which deem it their task to fight against the people's power, against the party. . . . What is the meaning of the sometimes brutal interference by individual Solidarity units in the appointments of voivods [regional governors], directors, or the head of a rural community? What is the objective of an almost nine-month-long campaign of presenting ever new demands and formulating charges? Is this what the line of agreement, or dialogue and partnership, ought to be like? Tell me, please, who is to be the ruling force in Poland?

The question of power is an everyday problem. It does not mean [President] Kania's or [Prime Minister] Jaruzelski's authority, but the people's authority. This authority is in danger. Therefore, Poland's statehood is in danger. I want to avoid unjustified accusations of putting Solidarity in one bag, treating it as a political opponent. This is why I say once more that I treat as a political opposition those trends in Solidarity which keep attacking the foundations of our system and have long ago crossed the border between trade unions and movements, or a political party.

The idea is to undermine and weaken authority, to bring it to its knees. This is the aim of that constant return to the Bydgoszcz events [of March] although we have suggested dozens of time that this unfortunate chapter [when three unionists were assaulted by police] should be closed. It would not be left unsettled and those who violated regulations would be disciplined. The matter could be taken up . . . again when Poland becomes calm.

He who wants to weaken our power must realize he takes upon himself historical responsibility for what may happen to our state and the nation which lives between the rivers Bug, Odra, and Lusatian Nysa within frontiers which for 36 years have been guaranteed by the Soviet Union and the other states of the Warsaw Treaty. We are approaching a very dangerous borderline. . . .

In the nearest future, Poland can become the hotbed of tension which might reach out beyond our borders. Does this have to happen? I think not. I still believe there is a chance to fulfill the policy of agreement . . . that we will be able to achieve partner- like cooperation with the other side, with people like Lech Walesa and his followers, with people who have a reali stic view of Poland.

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