Soviet Union "Our relationship with the Soviet Union is competitive," says Anderson, and US policy must be based on the realization that the invasion of Afghanistan "banished into the history books the business-as-usual relations of the 1970s. But, though the Kremlin "will attempt to advance the reach of its influence, and to reduce our own," it shares with the United States and other nations "a preeminent interest in avoiding a nuclear holocaust."

Major features of an American administration policy toward the USSR would include; doing what is required to maintain the invulnerability of the US nuclear deterrent and the readiness of conventional forces; continuation of the SALT II process and laying of groundwork for SALT III to slow and eventually halt the arms race; keeping open the lines of communication with the Soviets -- in fact, Anderson says he would "engage the Soviets in active dipmotic exchanges" and "propose a regular schedule of meetings between high-ranking American and Soviet officials, seeking to broaden trade as well as scientific, technological, and cultural exchanges. . . ."

On SALT II, Anderson says: "I will submit to the Soviet Union proposals that will supplement the present treaty and relieve the stated concerns of many senators. These supplementary measures will not require us to renegotiate any provision of SALT II, and they should lead to its speedy ratification."

Anderson is a strong advocate for the defense of Israel. He points out that, in contrast with most of its neighbors, israel is a democracy -- "the most reliable kind of ally our country can possess. . . ."

He supports "the idea of Palestinian rights embodied in the Camp David accords" but opposes establishing an actual Palestinian state. Anderson "would insist that any form of Palestinian autonomy should not include elements of the PLO [Palestine Liberation Organization] until such a time that the PLO repudiated its allegiance to terrorism and explicitly recognized Israel's right to existence. . . ."

The independent candidate says "it is imperative that Saudi Arabia and Jordan be brought into the negotiating process," but adds that the US "should make it clear . . . to both that we are committed to Camp David and expect their adherence."

On Jerusalem, Anderson says he would support future efforts to keep the city open and undivided, but "I would be prepared to recognize Jerusalem as the the capital of Israel and to move our embassy to Jerusalem at the successful conclusion of the peacemaking process." Also, he has said he would pull the US out of the United Nations if the General Assembly expelled Israel.

A major aim of US, Anderson says, must be to "end our dependence on foreign oil and the states of the Persian Gulf." Asia and Africa

Anderson would build on the new US-China relationship, developing "closer relations . . . diplomatically, economically, and culturally." He would "strongly oppose restoring our relationship with Taiwan to governmental status."

Although Anderson would like to see Japan contribute more to "collective security in Asia and expand economic assistance to others in the area," he would not want the Japanese to expand their military capabilities beyond what is needed for self-defense, as stipulated in Japan's constitution. He would not unilaterally withdraw American troops from Korea, but would "make it clear that the United States . . . supports . . . the legitimate aims of those demanding democratic freedoms."

Anderson would "make a major effort to open a wider window to India" and encourage that nation "in the moderate nuclear policies the country has pursued since its explosion of a nuclear device in 1974."

The Anderson platform states: "We must respect the right of Africans to determine their own destines. . . . We believe that the long-term interests of all the people in Namibia and South Africa will be served best by an orderly transition to majority rule in each country. . . ." He urges that the US seek, with other nations, agreement on transition to majority rule in Namibia under UN Resolution 435.

Anderson voted for the Panama Canal treaties. He points to "pressing bilateral issues between the US and Mexico. . . . Unless we are responsive to the needs of Mexico's industrial development program, it will be difficult to secure Mexico's cooperation on such issues as energy and immigration."

The Anderson answer to the problems of illegal migration of Mexicans into the US is to set up a joint American-Mexican commission to handle problems along the border. He also would set up a formal "mechanism" for dialogue between the two nations on trade, agriculture, energy, migration, finance, energy, and other issues of mutual concern.

Anderson says, "We will not tolerate direct military intervention by Cuba in Central America." The US policy should be to encourage broad-based representative governments and not make the mistake of supporting "repressive" governments just because of Cuba opposes them. He says that, for the tiny and troubled nations of the Caribbean, US economic assistance is "an absolute necessity."

The US "must continue to strengthen our diplomatic relations with [South America's] democracies," Anderson says. "The current policy of denying assistance to governments that systematically violate human rights is a laudable one had should continued."

Canada and the US, Anderson says, "must work together to insure that both . . . have adequate future energy supplies." NATO

"Apart from deterring a physical attack on the United States itself," Anderson says, "there is no more important national interest than the maintenance of our alliance with Western Europe." And, he adds, this alliance "must be a union of equal partners . . . prepared to share fairly in the burden of our joint endeavors." The US and its NATO partners must realize that although there will be differences within the alliance, "a mature and balanced partneship can accommodate" those. The US, he says, "must cease talking about consultation and actually begin to consult with its allies before embarking on ventures in which it expects them to participate."

In the Gulf area, he says, the US should coordinate its effort to have adequate military facilities and forces in the Mideast area with its European allies -- not unilaterally respond to a threat in the region. And he says "no issue on the alliance agenda is more important" than getting together with the European nations, plus Japan, to work out a strategy for addressing the problems posed by dependence on Mideast oil.

Anderson says that "the Western alliance should proceed with its plans to modernize and deply certain of its nuclear weapons in Europe" while keeping open "the possibility of genuine arms negotiations with the Soviet Union." And he says the US and its allies should have a coordinated policy to encourage and aid third world development.

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