US 'how to' guide on talking to Iran – in 1979 – emerges from WikiLeaks
A WikiLeaks cable written three months before the takeover of the US Embassy in Tehran is at times insightful and at times sweeping in its condescension about the 'Persian psyche.'
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Yet some aspects of the 1979 cable are as recognizable today as they would have been from the start of the revolution, and in fact decades before. The cable, for example, found “a pervasive unease about the nature of the world in which one lives. The Persian experience has been that nothing is permanent and it has been that hostile forces abound.”Skip to next paragraph
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Iranians sometimes joke that they are conspiracy connoisseurs. Late last week, Iran’s Minister of Intelligence Heidar Moslehi charged that the US had tasked 80 agencies with toppling the regime. Over 19 years, “the enemies” had spent $17.7 billion as “part of a ‘soft war’ against the Iranian nation … in order to stage a coup,” Mr. Moslehi was quoted as saying by Iranian media.
That statement echoes numerous Iranian officials speaking about foreign threats. Such claims have blossomed since Iran’s controversial June 2009 election prompted weeks of lethal street protests and charges that the US, Britain, and Israel were behind a “velvet revolution.”
The leaked 1979 cable further warns would-be negotiators that “one should never assume that his side of the issue will be recognized, let alone that it will be conceded to have merits.” It adds that “one should not expect an Iranian readily to perceive the advantages of a long-term relationship based on trust. He will assume that his opposite number is essentially an adversary.”
A British briefing for the US
Dealing with such an “adversary” was also the purpose of British Ambassador to Tehran Geoffrey Adams, who, according to a 2007 WikiLeaks cable, traveled to Baghdad to brief Gen. David Petraeus and then-US Ambassador Ryan Crocker in advance of first-ever US talks with Iran’s ambassador to Iraq.
The Nov. 30, 2007, embassy cable reads: “In negotiations, [Ambassador Adams] advised being steady and firm, tough but not aggressive, and at the same time, seeking to engage and draw attention to mutual interests.” Iranians were “obsessed with the West and this obsession at times blinds them to their interests.”
Iran’s goal was to “institutionalize talks with the US,” and it was “important to rid the Iranians of their standard notion that time was on their side,” the cable states. “Adams repeatedly said, ‘Iranians are not stupid’ … even if they at times misread signals.”
On the American side, the diplomat with the most experience on Iran – who speaks Farsi, was in the Peace Corps in Iran, and was later one of the hostages from 1979-1981 – has updated US thinking in his 2009 book “Negotiating with Iran.”
John Limbert – who until August was the State Department’s top official on Iran – lays out 14 steps for success, but admits that a large measure of luck is also required of even the most carefully crafted policy.
“In reality, there will almost never be a eureka moment for the American negotiator,” Ambassador Limbert writes. He notes that “each sides has constructed a mythology and an image of absolute evil in the other.”
Among his 14 points are to “be aware of Iran’s historical greatness, its recent weakness, and its grievances.…” Another is to “understand that the Islamic Republic’s priority is survival and its leaders’ priority is to stay in power.”
Still another is to “remember that conspiracy theories have great currency – and are sometimes true.”
Limbert has not given up hope for improved US-Iran ties. “Under the right conditions, with balanced judgment and sound negotiating strategy, we can still reach understandings that suit the interests of both sides. Most important, we do not have to be friends to do so,” he writes. “After all, if Americans and Iranians could never agree on anything, then today I and my embassy colleagues would probably still be captives in Tehran.”