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Iran: What the death of dissident cleric Montazeri means for opposition

In Iran, Hossein Ali Montazeri had the theological gravitas and political moxie to challenge Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. His death now creates a rallying point for the opposition during this week's religious rituals.

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Within hours of the announcement of Montazeri’s death on Sunday, some 50 buses full of Revolutionary Guard troops were reported to have deployed to Qom.

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The reformist website Rahesabz.net reported that hundreds of Basijis and hard-line clerics chanted pro-regime slogans outside Montazeri’s house, and then attacked “and tore up his funeral banners,” according to Agence France-Presse.

Once Khomeini's chosen successor

For decades before Iran’s 1979 Islamic Revolution, Montazeri was a loud critic, exiled to a remote city, arrested several times, and imprisoned for years by the pro-West Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi.

Before the revolution, he was appointed the representative in Iran of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, who once called him the “fruit of my life,” and made Montazeri his chosen successor.

But Montazeri’s determination to rebuke injustice wherever he found it prompted him to challenge Khomeini over the execution of thousands of political prisoners in 1988. During the 10th anniversary of the revolution in 1989, Montazeri delivered unprecedented critiques, saying that Iran’s continuing of the Iran-Iraq War of the 1980s had been a costly mistake – not the “sacred” defense, with God on Iran’s side, as officials portrayed the war.

And Montazeri further noted a “great distance” between the promises of the revolution what “what we have achieved,” adding that the “denial of people’s rights ... delivered the most severe blows against the revolution to date.”

Khamenei expressed condolences, but also criticism

Montazeri kept up his criticisms of Iran’s Islamic system – called the velayat-e-faqih and headed by a supreme theologian – which Montazeri had helped create. He frequently denigrated the far less consequential religious qualifications of Ayatollah Khamenei, and in 1997 was put under house arrest for six years for suggesting that the power of the supreme leader be curbed.

Back then, pro-regime vigilantes stormed Montazeri’s theological school in Qom, raided his offices, and shouted for his death. Graffiti on the wall outside once said: “Death to the anti-veli-e faqih.”

Khamenei expressed his condolences on Sunday, but made clear his view that Montazeri had failed a “difficult and critical test” – one that prompted Khomeini to oust him as heir and rewrite Iran’s constitution so that a lesser theologian such as Khamenei would be eligible to be the supreme leader.

But Khomeini’s grandson, Hassan Khomeini, paid tribute to Montazeri’s commitment to a principled and benevolent Islam. He said he “spent many years of his honorable life on the path of advancing the high goals of Islam and the Islamic revolution,” according to Iranian news reports.

Iran’s Nobel Peace Laureate Shirin Ebadi called Montazeri “the father of human rights in Iran,” and considered herself “one of the millions of his followers and students.”

Dilemma for government

Montazeri’s death presents the government with a dilemma: allow religious street celebrations or crackdown on the participants? The important seventh day of mourning will coincide with Ashura, the peak of the religious rituals around the death of Imam Hossein more than 13 centuries ago.

Iranians traditionally take to the streets that night, and opposition activists – who have hijacked most officially sanctioned street rallies since the disputed June vote – have planned to take advantage of religious observances to make clear the popularity of their cause.

Iranian authorities have for months made clear that they would crack down on any form of political dissent, and Khamenei has described not accepting the election results as the “biggest crime.”

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