As its leaders fight, France's conservative party suffers
Experts say that infighting within the conservative UMP, which was ousted from the presidency in May, could undermine its standing with the French public even further.
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“These two men didn’t have the ambition to be popular within their own camp, but rather to be able later on to represent their own camp in a presidential election,” Ms. Bracq says. “And now, given what is happening, they are spoiling their chances, that’s clear.”Skip to next paragraph
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Despite the UMP’s inability to find an undisputed leader, the BVA Opinion survey found the French largely oppose a political comeback by Sarkozy, which many in the UMP have suggested is the best resolution to the stalemate. While UMP supporters overwhelmingly support the former president's return – 73 percent are in favor, according to the survey – 65 percent of the public oppose it.
“The best that Nicolas Sarkozy can do for now is to stay away from all this and wait a bit before envisioning a potential comeback,” Bracq says.
Under the French political system, the president has sweeping powers, while the parliament is a relatively weak institution with very few means, if any, for the opposition to keep the governing party from passing bills. Therefore, the current crisis within the UMP – even with Fillon's group splintering off 72 seats from the UMP's 194 it held before the infighting began – doesn’t affect the Socialist party’s ability to pass and implement new laws. But it is the first time in the history of the Fifth Republic, France’s current political system, that lawmakers of a same party have split up into two separate parliamentary groups.
Bernard Lachaise, a professor of contemporaneous history at the University Michel de Montaigne Bordeaux 3, says leadership crises and harsh talk between politicians are nothing unusual in French politics, although with the current infighting at the UMP “what can appear as newer is that it’s [happening] within the same political group.”
Fillon belongs to the moderate wing of the French right and likes to say that he had posters of former right-wing French President Charles de Gaulle hanging on his bedroom walls when he was a teenager. Copé is considered more conservative and promotes what he calls an “uninhibited right,” which his opponents say amounts to appealing to far-right voters.
Mr. Lachaise says the fact that Copé regularly goes out of his way to stress that he belongs to the right wing is relatively new in French politics. Historically, Lachaise says, the French right has always tried to reach out to voters across the political spectrum, but this tradition started to slowly disappear with the rise of the far-right National Front in the last quarter-century.
“It’s a claim that you didn’t see during General de Gaulle’s time and even at the time of Jacques Chirac,” says Lachaise, referring to two former right-wing French presidents.
Jean Garrigues, a professor of contemporaneous history at the University of Orléans, says French political parties under the current political system have become tools for winning a presidential election, rather than acting as think tanks where policies and political platforms can be elaborated. That is why the crisis within the UMP is likely to last as long as Copé and Fillon fiercely oppose one another for the chairmanship of the party, according to Mr. Garrigues.
“It is going to last for a while because neither of them has any reason to give up on their presidential ambition,” Garrigues says. “The objective is 2017.”