Who's joining Thai protests?
More students are marching to unseat Prime Minister Samak, adding to an ideologically mixed coalition of businesspeople, royalists, and academics.
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Samak often dismisses the group as an irrational mob. On Thursday, he proposed holding a national referendum to end the crisis, a move that could take weeks to organize. PAD leaders swiftly rejected the idea as a delaying tactic.Skip to next paragraph
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Adding to the uncertainty, the Election Commission voted Tuesday to recommend dissolving Samak's People's Power Party for campaign fraud during last December's parliamentary election. Party dissolution would trigger new polls that seem unlikely to heal the divisions exposed by the current stalemate.
"I think the problem in Thai society is much deeper than the conflict between the government and the PAD and whatever governments comes out [of elections]. There will be protests, large or small. It's inevitable," says Nidhi Eoseewong, a liberal historian in Chiang Mai.
Defining the ideological lines in Thai politics is complex. Ironically, some of the bitterest foes are former student leaders of the 1970s who now find themselves on opposite sides.
Supporters of Samak and his predecessor Thaksin Shinawatra, the original foe of the PAD who was ousted in 2006, say they are defending democracy against a reactionary minority that wants to turn back the clock. PAD leader Sondhi Limthongkul proposes diluting the power of elected politicians and inviting military intervention when needed.
That infuriates Thitirat Hoshi, a businesswoman in Bangkok who says the rural and urban poor stand to lose out. "The PAD is small but they are rich people and have education, so they can do anything," she says.
Not all PAD supporters are giving up on Western-style democracy, though. Some argue that Samak has gamed the electoral system and that his removal would clear the way for reform-minded politicians. Some activists recall Samak's role in violent crackdowns on street protests in 1976.
That pivotal year, when nationalist generals overthrew an elected left-leaning government, casts a shadow over the current conflict. Some leftists such as Finance Minister Surapong Suebwonglee went on to join Mr. Thaksin's party, injecting a social welfare agenda into its capitalist DNA. Others have now found common cause with the PAD, despite its elitist creed and links to military hardliners.
Both sides can play royalist cards. The PAD claims to be fighting for the crown against alleged republican plots by its opponents. But Samak is a nationalist who has a long association with revered King Bhumipol.
Little wonder that the Army is staying out of these murky political waters, says Mr. Nidhi, the historian. "The situation is so confusing that they don't know what to do," he says.