How Brazil's Congress protects its pork
The Brazilian Congress, which yesterday threatened to stop work if the president doesn't dole out pork, acts with impunity thanks to a culture of consensus that lets malfeasors off the hook, writes guest blogger Greg Michener.
Brazilians have a saying that every corruption scandal “ends in pizza.” The malfeasor and the enforcer settle things by sharing a meal and leaving behind what brought them together in the first place. Unlike other Latin American elites, the Brazilian elite peculiarly tend towards consensus as opposed to hot-headed conflict. Rather than incriminate each other, they let each other off. Rather than fight, they separate.Skip to next paragraph
In surprise landslide, Jamaican opposition wins back power
Parading back to Rio de Janeiro: the bookish and brainy
After dramatic 2011 in Cuba, will US-Cuban policy shift in 2012?
Boom goes the churro: Chilean court upholds damages for exploding sweets
Why did Hugo Chavez spam Venezuelans on Christmas?
Subscribe Today to the Monitor
There is no place that reflects this behavior more powerfully than the Brazilian National Legislature. No one has ever been legally sanctioned for an ethics violation in the Brazilian Congress, despite legislators’ infamous shenanigans. Call this facet of political inaction “impunity through consensus.”
The cost of making laws in Brazil provides yet another example. More than 85 percent of all legislation passed by Congress originates in the Executive Branch, but legislators think themselves important enough that they raised their salaries a hefty 62 percent on one of the last days of the 2010 legislature. That means that legislators in Latin America’s most expensive parliament (on a per capita basis) and in its most unequal country, now bring home approximately 170,000 US dollars a year (26,700 reais/month), when a person earning the minimum wage earns less than 3,500 US dollars (545 reais/month) during the same period.
When there are 23 parties to point the finger at, it’s kind of difficult to assign blame. What’s more, nine out of ten parties don’t have a chance of winning a presidential election, so they’re willing to take a hit to their reputations once in a while. Hence Brazil’s Congress understandably gets away with things that simply would not fly in other democracies.
Yesterday the government’s majority coalition in the Chamber of Deputies blackmailed the president it nominally supports. Legislators threatened to bring Congress to a standstill if the president does not disburse the remainder of the 2009 budget, what they refer to here as “the rest to pay” (“restos a pagar”). Because of the slow pace of contracting, previous years’ budgets leave residuals. This year it’s almost 3 billion US dollars (4.6 billion reais). These funds are typically used to buy political support through pork-barrel spending, but President Dilma Rousseff declared she would end the disbursement of contracts on June 30. Party leaders, however, warn that this course of action will be met by a general strike: the president’s urgent legislation will simply not be voted on. This legislation includes the infamous decree, 527/11, which aims to expedite building and infrastructure contracts for the 2012 World Cup and 2016 Olympics (at the cost of transparency).