Obama urges a budget without brinkmanship. But can Congress stop the insanity?

The budget process is a deliberative one, in which committees in both the House and Senate develop budgets, move them to the floor, and then reconcile their differences in a conference committee. Then appropriations committees in both chambers get to work to nail down the dollars and cents for the proposals outlined by the budget committee in a series of more than a dozen bills that fund government operations.

That machine has been out of order for longer than a decade. Specifically, the Senate has not passed a traditional budget since April 2009, short-circuiting, Republicans argue, Congress’s main way for hashing out big debates over the nation’s finances even if the whole government funding process is hobbled.

But if Washington could get back to moving a budget (which both chambers have agreed to do this year), the fiscal fighting could be packed back into a more orderly and, hopefully, productive process.

“Conversations are fine,” said Congressman Price, referring to the primacy of negotiations handled by the White House and congressional leadership in recent fiscal deals, “but nowhere in the rules of the House is the word ‘conversation’ used, I don't believe. There are processes that are in place that allow us to solve the challenges that we have in a deliberative way, in an open way, in a transparent way, and it is the processes of governing and legislating through the House and the Senate.”

It’s not a panacea, as Rep. Chris Van Hollen (D) of Maryland points out. “That process, of course, will produce all the disagreements that you've heard ... with respect to the right mix of, you know, spending cuts and revenue,” Congressman Van Hollen said. “And so again, the issue's whether we're going to be able to overcome those differences that have prevented us from moving forward in the past.”

In theory, that process would be better able to handle the long-term questions of federal taxing and spending by putting the entirety of Congress behind figuring out solutions to the nation’s problems instead of a few lawmakers and wonks from the White House and congressional leadership.

“Our focus on the question should be, what kind of economy do we want 10 years from now?” said Van Hollen, the top Democrat on the House Budget Committee, Tuesday. “What kind of commitments do we want to keep to our seniors and others – and make sure that the deficits in that year are not dragging down the economy.”

But between today and a sustained, orderly debate on the nation’s finances are those land mines: sequester, government funding, debt ceiling.

And Republicans simply don’t trust the president to play fair if they were to give up those points of leverage.

When Obama swore that none of his new State of the Union proposals would add a dime to the deficit, Rep. Kevin Brady (R) of Texas quipped, “I’m 5’5” and I’m going to dunk a basketball before that promise ever comes true.”

Even when Obama brings up his willingness to tackle fundamental GOP concerns such as Medicare’s fiscal future, Republicans say he is either not owning up to the fullness of the problem or unwilling to actually make necessary changes.

Referencing the president’s promise to adopt Medicare reforms up to those recommended by the Simpson-Bowles Commission, Rep. John Fleming (R) of Louisiana warned, “remember, that was his commission he put together, he absolutely ignored their findings, and even the pieces we’ve tried to send him he’s ignored. So why would he suddenly embrace it when he’s ignored it all along?”

Even so, there’s a weariness among members of both parties to keep the adrenaline pumping on fiscal issues. And maybe having given trips to the financial edge a try – dare one say – the next time or two might be different.

“There's an eerie similarity here, isn't there, to previous occurrences,” McConnell said on Tuesday. “Take no action, go right up to the deadline, and have an 11th-hour negotiation. Read my lips. I'm not interested in an 11th-hour negotiation.”

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