Partisan feud escalates over voter ID laws in South Carolina, other states

In rejecting South Carolina's law, the Justice Department said the state failed to prove that it would not affect minority voters more than white ones, given that 10 percent of blacks don't carry government IDs, compared with 8.4 percent of whites.

Whether that discrepancy amounts to an attack on minority voting rights is arguable for a state where an Indian-American, Nikki Haley, serves as governor and where a black conservative, Tim Scott, was elected to Congress in 2010 from a mostly white district, some say.

Opponents of voter ID laws, however, cite studies that show voter fraud to be negligible. It makes no sense, they say, to risk disenfranchising people via tough new voter laws to fix a problem that is practically nonexistent.

"There is almost no voting fraud in America," asserted a New York Times editorial in October. "None of the lawmakers who claim there is have ever been able to document any but the most isolated cases. The only reason Republicans are passing these laws is to give themselves a political edge by suppressing Democratic votes."

The fear is that "voter ID laws ... can discourage and deter a lot of people, which is the exact opposite of what we should be doing," Katie O'Connor, an attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union, recently told The Epoch Times.

Still, a large majority of Americans support voter ID laws, according to a recent Rasmussen poll. Studies about the effects of voter ID laws are mixed: Some show dips in voter participation and others show a rise. In 2009, a study published in the Harvard Law and Policy Review found that the first generation of voter ID laws, enacted from 2002 to 2004, depressed turnout by 2.34 percent – disenfranchising as many as 4.5 million people – but that ID laws passed from 2004 to 2006 boosted turnout 1.95 percent. The author attributed the change to states' efforts to remind people to vote and bring ID.

In Georgia, where a strict voter ID law went into effect in 2007 after Justice Department sign-off, turnout among African-Americans rose 42 percent from the 2006 midterm elections to the 2010 midterms, according to the Secretary of State's office. Asked if fears of disenfranchisement are legitimate, Secretary of State spokesman Matt Carrothers said, "We're getting to the point of the discussion where you exit the realm of math and get into ideology, and at that point someone is basically telling you their opinion."

The opinion in many conservative circles is that the Obama administration is using voter ID laws to play politics, by painting itself as protector of minority voting rights against an allegedly racist Southern power structure.

"The political upside is that you keep your civil rights constituency happy," says James Guth, a political scientist at Furman University, in Greenville, S.C. "That's not to suggest Holder doesn't believe in what he's doing, but it also has that political effect."

But there's a risk for the Justice Department, too, if the Supreme Court steps into the fray. "The Supreme Court is not going to tolerate purist fantasies where an unwillingness to examine mitigating evidence justifies intrusion into state laws," says J. Christian Adams, a former civil rights attorney at DOJ and the author of "Injustice: Exposing the Racial Agenda of the Obama Justice Department."

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