How Washington lobbyists peddle power

But lobbyists are also people like Fred Wertheimer, dressed for an interview like a college professor in a button-down shirt and slacks. He ran Common Cause for many years and now leads – and lobbies for – Democracy 21, which has as its stated goal to lessen the impact of money on politics.

“Money is the core issue in this city when it comes to lobbying,” he says.

Most members of Congress are loath to talk about their relationships with lobbyists, who are a vital source of campaign funds for legislators who aspire to a leadership position. The most effective lobbyists are constituents “who are personally involved in something important to them,” argues three-term Sen. Jack Reed (D) of Rhode Island. “They are a lot more central and crucial to a lot that you’re doing than someone paid in Washington.”

Still, in addition to concerned and vocal citizens CRP says there are 12,552 professional lobbyists working the halls of Congress on behalf of what might be called special interests.

But the meaning of special interest is in the eye of the beholder. The groups that hire lobbyists range widely in motives and funding levels. Some seek special advantage and a chance for their clients to feast at the federal-spending trough. Others seek to protect the old, the infirm, the wilderness, and religious freedom. It is hard to find a segment of American society that does not lobby – from bakers to bankers, chicken breeders to independent colleges, and even the church that publishes the Monitor.

“The media has done a pretty good job demonizing us,” says David Wenhold, president of the American League of Lobbyists. “I love the term ‘special interest groups are behind this.’ Is Greenpeace a special interest group? Clean Coal? The Girl Scouts of America? Because they are. That term gets thrown around, but they are all lobbyists.”

In fact, many who work to influence events in Washington do not fall under the formal rules for registering as a lobbyist. For example, law firms hire former senior government officials to function as “senior advisers” rather than have them register as lobbyists. One notable example is former Senate majority leader Tom Daschle.

Registered lobbyists account for only a small portion of the cost of influence and advocacy in Washington, says James A. Thurber, director of American University’s Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies.

Last year, lobbying – defined narrowly by those who must register with Congress – was a $3.4 billion industry, according to CRP statistics. But when the cost of grass-roots efforts and of strategic advisers are all counted, total spending on influencing policy in Washington approaches $9.6 billion a year, he estimates.

Combing Senate records, Bloomberg News determined that 3,300 lobbyists signed up to work on healthcare and that more than 1,500 organizations have healthcare lobbyists. Spending on healthcare lobbying was $263.4 million in the first six months of 2009, up from $241.4 million in the same period of 2008, according to CRP figures.

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