Iran's reformers to U.S.: Let's talk

Ex-president Khatami says don't let hard-liners in US and Iran dictate the relationship.

from the November 30, 2007 edition

Page 2 of 2

Page 1 | 2

"We're in a situation where anything the Americans do – being softer on Iran, or tougher – will strengthen hard-liners here," says an Iranian political scientist in Tehran who asked not to be named. Going softer enables hard-liners to say that Iran's uncompromising approach is working, the analyst says, while a tougher line and more sanctions will "consolidate the power of Ahmadinejad and the hard-liners."

"If I were America, I would call his bluff ... and accept Ahmadinejad's invitation to talks in a comprehensive way," he says. He doubts such a step is possible by Mr. Bush or Vice President Dick Cheney, who say that for Iran to develop nuclear weapons (which Iran denies seeking) is "unacceptable."

US fears of Iran's nuclear program are a "pretext" that can be resolved through inspections and accepting Iran's "right" to nuclear technology," says Khatami. "Iran does not have the bomb and does not want the bomb."

"The US is in the same dilemma that we are in, and wants to have it both ways," says the analyst. "The US wants to talk, but not give legitimacy to the regime. Iran wants to talk, but does not want to call it 'talks' or recognize the legitimacy of US interests."

"If [Iran's offer to talk] is a bluff, you called it. And if they accept, it will force them to change," says the analyst. "A serious and concerted effort to talk and engage is the only way. Otherwise it is all misperceptions, [and belief] that the US is after toppling the regime."

But Iran's Islamic system, while not universally popular, is not likely to collapse, analysts say. To counter militarism, Nobel laureate Ebadi called upon Iranians last week to join her in creating a broad-based National Peace Council.

"War will not solve any problem. Peace negotiations must start," Ebadi told the Monitor. Iran should "respect UN resolutions," including one that requires suspending enrichment. "If America offers to negotiate, Iran must accept."

"Attacking Iraq was beyond international rules, and [the US] should not make the same mistake regarding Iran," said Ebadi. "Both governments should change their dialogue, bring down their rhetoric and reduce tensions."

But each side regularly demonizes the other. "There is a serious current in Iran that thinks there shouldn't be any relationship between the US and Iran," says former Vice President Mohammad Ali Abtahi. For that group, "Iran needs an enemy, and its better for that enemy to be America."

The framework for a "grand bargain" that would have addressed all outstanding issues emerged in spring 2003 with a two-page fax from Tehran to Washington. The offer was ignored by a US administration emboldened by the swift fall of Saddam Hussein.

"There is no country that has more common interests with America than Iran," says Sadegh Kharazi, the former Iranian ambassador to France who helped draft the offer. "We still have our [anti-US] revolutionary slogans, but we are not looking for confrontation," he adds. "We don't want to be in love with America. [What] is important for us is coexistence with each other, an armistice for the future."

In politics "nothing is impossible," but the US path must lead directly to Iran's supreme religious leader, Ayatollah Sayyed Ali Khamenei, says Mr. Kharazi: "Foreign policy is under [his] direct supervision ... the Leader is the one who can decide. America should do it carefully."

1 | Page 2