Q&A: What's behind the political turmoil in Thailand?
For the past several weeks, tens of thousands of demonstrators have filled the streets of Bangkok, demanding that Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra step down. The protesters accuse Thaksin, whose party controls three-fourths of the seats in parliament, of corruption and abuse of power. These accusations have intensified since the January sale of Thaksin's family's telecommunication company to the investment arm of Singapore's government, a transaction on which his family paid almost no tax.
In response to the protests, Thaksin has dissolved parliament's lower house and called snap elections for April 2. Facing almost certain defeat against the populist prime minister, the main opposition parties are boycotting the vote. The election may leave parliament without a quorum, prompting fears of a constitutional crisis.
Panitan Wattanayagorn, a professor of international relations at Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok and a visiting professor of Southeast Asian studies at Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies, spoke with csmonitor.com about the unrest. At the root of Thailand's crisis, Wattanayagorn says, is an unbalanced political system, one that gives too much power to the executive branch.
Why are protesters demanding Prime Minister Thaksin's resignation?
In February 2005, the prime minister gained a 75 percent majority, but now people are increasingly becoming aware that the political system is dominated by one single party. In parliament, the opposition parties are so small that they are not able to perform the normal checks and balances, especially in terms of motions to censure, and debates on government corruption. So, for the last four to five years, the parliamentary system has not been functioning very well. It has become more or less monolithic rather than pluralistic.
Second, the opposition groups are accusing the prime minister of trying to take control of the media. His associates and close friends are accused of attempting to buy up television channels, media outlets, newspapers.
Third, the prime minister has been criticized for his spending in rural areas. His infrastructure projects among Thailand's 80,000 villages and the almost-free healthcare policies were received very well in most places in the first year or two, but over the years there have been a number of corruption charges. Increasingly the urban voters are also concerned that they may have to pay more taxes for these projects.
Fourth, the prime minister has been criticized for his heavy-handed policies in the south against the Muslim insurgency, which has resulted in more than 1,000 people losing their lives. And the heavy-handed policies against drug traffickers have also alienated a lot of people.
Lastly, in the last few weeks, news broke about the sale of the prime minister's previously owned telecommunications company, Shin Corp., to Singapore's government. That could be the last straw.
What segments of Thai society oppose the prime minister?
Urban voters, a group that is smaller, but more vocal, more organized, and seemingly more educated. And a few urban poor are also joining them. But that is not the majority of the voters. The majority of the voters are rural, perhaps poorer, and less educated. The prime minister is very popular among these voters. He's very popular in the countryside, and very popular overall, but the urban voters are better organized.
In recent weeks, the opposition has expanded to leading academics, [nongovernmental organizations], public enterprises, and, in general, the middle class. For the time being, it's a very strange marriage among a variety of groups, which is one of the opposition's greatest strengths and weaknesses, depending on how you look at it.
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