Yemen attempts to rein in outlaw tribes

In fact, the government seems keener to destroy the tribes' independence than the tackle the issue of international smuggling that is the main concern of the US and its allies, some say.

"The weapons trade continues, and that is something where we would like to see some speedy and effective action," says Mr. Khoury at the US Embassy. "We're not that concerned about the average Yemeni's attachment to their personal weapons. We are more concerned with the large-scale availability of such weapons."

Progress has been slow, however, and Yemen's government itself has recently broken the international arms embargo against Somalia by smuggling a boatload of weapons into the war-torn African country, says Khoury.

Yemen's patchy approach to weapons trading makes many suspicious of the government's motives. Some say that the government is using US support to turn the country into an increasingly brutal and authoritarian dictatorship, pointing to a recent crackdown on press freedoms and the alleged use of mustard gas against Shiite rebels in the country's far north.

And as Yemen's President Ali Abdullah Saleh prepares for a probable sixth term after Yemen's elections in September, some say that only the considerable firepower of Yemen's devoutly independent tribes safeguards the relative political freedom of the country's citizens.

"Yemen is a constitutional democracy," says Robin Madrid, resident director of the National Democratic Institute's program in Yemen. She points out that Yemen's constitutional freedoms date to agreements signed during the country's 1990 unification rather than to any grassroots movement.

"Yemen is an anomaly. You don't get democracies in illiterate, underdeveloped societies," says Ms. Madrid. "Political movements for democracy and reform usually start in urban areas with the middle class."

Whether Yemen continues to drift away from democracy may depend not on these urban literati but instead on rural and often illiterate tribesmen.

One such man is Abdullah al-Thawba, who has come to Marwani's office to seek his help in ending a war between his tribe, Wadhem, and its neighbors, the Adhamti. More than 70 people have been killed in the conflict in the past three years.

"The government promised to solve the problem but did nothing," explains Mr. Thawaba, who hails from Al-Jawf, a lawless desert province. "We need our weapons because of the lack of peace and security. The government cannot protect its own citizens."

As men like Thawaba increasingly lay down their guns, the survival of Yemen's democracy may depend on whether tribesmen like him decide to use democracy to defend their rights. So far there are signs that this might happen.

"Because Yemen is a tribal society it has an egalitarian spirit," says Madrid. "This is a good basis for democracy. I've been approached by tribal leaders who have asked for help in bringing democracy."

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