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In Russia, concern over hate crimes grows

Recent racially motivated attacks are triggering debate over how to deal with rising xenophobia.

(Page 2 of 2)



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Public intolerance appears to be on the rise in Russia. A survey last year by the independent Levada Center found that 58 percent of ethnic Russians support the slogan "Russia for the Russians." Another Levada poll suggested that 59 percent want the government to slash the inflow of non-Russian immigrants, mostly from former Soviet Caucasus and Asian republics, up from 45 percent in 2002.

Those who argue that racial intolerance goes hand-in-hand with rising authoritarianism may point to a survey released last week by the Pew Global Attitudes Project, which found that 66 percent of Russians now see a strong leader, not democracy, as the best form of government, up from 39 percent when the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991.

A year ago, 19 Russian parliamentarians, mainly from the communist and nationalist Rodina [Motherland] parties, joined 500 scholars and public figures to sign an open letter calling on the public prosecutor to investigate all Jewish organizations as "extremist" groups based on the familiar argument that their conspiratorial activities are the main cause of anti-Semitism.

"No one is called to [account] for this sort of outrageous public appeal, though it was unthinkable just 10 years ago," says Ms. Albats. "More and more, we are seeing Russian chauvinist and anti-Semitic ideas expressed openly, even in major newspapers, and it is accepted."

President Putin has repeatedly spoken up against anti-Semitism and intolerance, last year describing the growth of xenophobia among Russians as "a serious and painful problem.... The state policy is aimed at putting an end to outrages of this kind consistently and resolutely."

Some critics say that beneath the surface, the Kremlin might be encouraging ultranationalist groups as a kind of bogeyman for Putin's successor to run against as the 2008 presidential succession looms.

"There is no doubt the Kremlin and its strategists are playing with xenophobia and the public struggle against it for their own advantage. The game is to create an enemy and achieve victory over it," says Vladimir Prybilovsky, head of Panorama, an independent think tank. "To make people vote for Putin's heir, the Kremlin may have to scare them with something really bad."

Others complain Russian authorities may be sincere, but have not yet moved beyond rhetorical means of confronting the threat. "Even if Putin says the right words about xenophobia, there is still no state strategy to stop it," says Alexander Brod, head of the independent Moscow Bureau of Human Rights. "(Intolerant) moods in the country are growing rapidly, and there is no effective reaction."

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