Skip to: Content
Skip to: Site Navigation
Skip to: Search


World's vast ranks of the stateless

By David MonteroCorrespondent of The Christian Science Monitor / October 13, 2005



DHAKA, BANGLADESH

Borders have made all the difference in the life of 25-year-old Noor Islam. He was born in Bangladesh, but an invisible line has virtually confined him to Geneva Camp, a squalid enclave in the capital, Dhaka.

Skip to next paragraph

Shifting borders dictated this fate. In 1971, when East Pakistan gained independence as Bangladesh, Islam's family and some 300,000 other Urdu-speakers found themselves without a nationality in the new Bengali state.

"In Geneva Camp, we don't have much access to education and jobs," Islam says, adding that citizenship would dramatically transform their lives.

The so-called Stranded Pakistanis are one of the largest and oldest communities of stateless people, a group estimated to number 11 million across the globe. Their predicament deserves more attention, say experts, since national identity is the most fundamental of human rights - indeed, the very right to have rights.

"They are the ultimate forgotten people," says James Goldston, executive director of the Open Society Justice Initiative in New York. The problem persists, he says, in part because nation-states still enjoy broad discretion under international law to grant or deny citizenship as they see fit.

"Even as human rights norms have steadily evolved over the past half-century, the field of citizenship has remained one of the last bastions of untrammeled state sovereignty. As a result, citizenship creates a giant loophole in the international human rights framework," Mr. Goldston writes in an e-mail.

Statelessness is the untold dark side of new nations, including those in the Balkans and the former Soviet Union. To date, nearly 20 percent of the population in Latvia and Estonia are stateless persons, according to one estimate. Thousands of stateless people languish in poor conditions in some of the most politicized and conflict-ridden areas of the world, including Palestine and Iraq.

The reasons for the problem differ from region to region, at times caused by the sweeping succession of states as in the former Soviet Union. The chaos of war often prevents birth registration, a subtle but destructive denial of rights for newborns. In many Middle Eastern states, laws confer citizenship based on patrilineal descent, meaning that those born to women or male non-citizens are denied citizenship of their country of birth.

Despite divergent causes, statelessness exacts a common and extraordinary toll on its victims, depriving them of the basic rights that most citizens take for granted.

Here in Bangladesh, the stateless community is unable to vote or to secure jobs in the formal economy. Without citizenship, they cannot even obtain legal housing, so most live in 66 camps packed with people and livestock scattered across Bangladesh, including Geneva Camp, built in 1974 by the Red Cross to help assist the new stateless population.

Statelessness stretches back to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and World War I. International law since World War II has attempted to address the problem, culminating in the 1954 UN Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons, and later the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness. But since then, only 57 states have become party to the 1954 convention, and just 30 to the 1961 convention. Neither the United States nor Bangladesh, for example, are a party to either convention.

"There's not a lot of pressure on governments to help stateless persons," says Maureen Lynch, director of research at Refugees International in Washington, D.C.

Permissions