In San Antonio mayoral race, a fight for city's future

Phil Hardberger is all smiles as he meets with influential San Antonio Hispanics over heaping plates of chilaquiles, machacado omelettes, and refried beans. For the first time since he entered the mayor's race eight months ago, he is leading in the polls.

But a three-point difference is not a clincher in this predominantly Latino city, as Hardberger readily admits at the breakfast. "I know some of you have taken heat for supporting me," he says. "But you won't be disappointed.... I want you at my side for the next four years."

This spring, two major US cities had the opportunity to elect Latino mayors: Los Angeles, the nation's second-largest city, and San Antonio, its eighth largest.

Antonio Villaraigosa pulled it off last month by becoming the first Hispanic mayor of Los Angeles since 1872.

But San Antonio's new mayor is still undecided as voters return to the polls Tuesday in a runoff between Mr. Hardberger and Julián Castro, both Democrats.

While many talk of Latinos' growing political clout nationwide, San Antonio has a long tradition of Hispanic elected officials. Indeed, it's been almost a quarter century since Henry Cisneros became the first Hispanic mayor to ride to victory in a major US city.

But a Castro victory would be significant in another defining way, underscoring Texas' unique relationship with Mexican Americans. "There is a different sensibility here," says José Limón, director of the Center for Mexican American Studies at the University of Texas at Austin. "In California, there is this odd way in which people look through you and around you if you look like me. But in Texas, they look at you - sometimes hard, like they want to kill you, but at least they see you."

That's because while Anglos and Latinos may not be best friends in Texas, they are not strangers. Since the early 18th century, Hispanics have dominated South Texas - and that long history and dense population has fostered Anglos' respect.

That understanding, in turn, has diminished wariness of immigrants. Texas, for instance, rarely follows the anti-immigrant trends of other states. Even President Bush - raised on Lone Star sensibilities - has made enemies by promoting traditionally Democratic immigrant-friendly ideas.

But in some ways, that long relationship with Hispanics has made it even harder for Hispanics to win at the Texas polls, says Mr. Castro in his campaign office. "There's not as much excitement," he says. Indeed, when Mr. Cisneros was elected in 1981, the number of voters doubled to 155,000. But in this year's May race, the number was down to 115,000 while the city had grown from 740,000 people to 1.3 million.

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