A 'pragmatic' Islamist for Iraq

Members of SCIRI say they have withdrawn the candidacy of Adil Abdul Mahdi in exchange for an agreement that SCIRI appointees will be put in charge of the Interior Ministry, which oversees domestic security and intelligence, and other ministerial posts that will provide them a strong power platform.

SCIRI - which has close ties to Iran and to the Badr Brigade militia, an armed wing that was formed in exile - would probably then insert members of the Badr Brigade into the security apparatus.

Iraq's ethnic Kurds, who came in second with 70 seats, will also have to be appeased. They're demanding the presidency for veteran politician and guerrilla fighter Jalal Talabani as well as the foreign minister post.

The Shiite politicians are hoping to strike a "package deal" among themselves and the Kurds over the cabinet, premiership, and presidency before the parliament sits, probably around the end of the month - and it seems that Jaafari has played the game of political brinkmanship most effectively.

SCIRI officials say Dawa has been so adamant about giving the prime minister's job to Jaafari, who polling shows has the highest name recognition and public support among Shiite politicians, that they feared splitting their alliance if they didn't back down. He has a favorable rating from about 20 percent of Iraqis - a small number, but the highest among the politicians.

Shiite leaders said Wednesday that they would hold a secret ballot to choose the prime minister, the Associated Press reported. The remaining challenger is Ahmed Chalabi, who leads the Iraqi National Congress. Jaafari is strongly favored to win.

"On extremely flat terrain, he's the highest point,'' says Mr. Dodge, who adds that Dawa has trumped SCIRI, founded under Iranian sponsorship, because of its history. "Iraqi Shias are Iraqis first and Shias second, and Dawa seems more indigenous to people than SCIRI, which sometimes appears to be a vehicle for the Iranian state."

Jaafari was born in 1947 and grew up among an extended clan of textile traders and hotel owners in the Shiite shrine city of Karbala. They also had the status of being sayyids, or direct descendants of the Prophet Mohammed. He attended medical school in the northern city of Mosul.

He joined Dawa in the 1960s. When he returned home in 1974, he ended up leading the party in the city, setting himself apart as a detail-oriented organizer.

"He likes reading a lot. He likes planning.... He has got vision," says Reda Taki, SCIRI's head of political relations.

Mr. Taki says the diplomatic but hard-charging Jaafari used an aggressive media strategy and excellent public-speaking skills to skyrocket from obscurity to one of the most popular politicians in postwar Iraq.

"Iraqi people didn't know who is Abu Ahmed," said Taki, using Jaafari's nickname. "But he knows the mentality of the Iraqi people ... he knows people like to hear good speaking."

When Saddam Hussein said that all Dawa members would be executed in 1980, Jaafari fled first to Iran and then London with his wife, a pediatrician. He often points to his wife's profession as evidence of his support for a woman's role outside the home.

Jaafari served in the US-appointed governing council, sometimes clashing with US officials, particularly when the interim constitution didn't mention Islam as the principle source of Iraq's laws.

Khadimi says that independence is part of Jaafari's appeal. "He's never allowed himself to be under anyone's influence, in Iran or when came home," he says. "People respect him for this."

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