Singapore: a model for China?

Members of the Remaking Singapore Committee, which spent over a year drawing up recommendations and holding public hearings, say the steps adopted are broadly in line with local wishes. Many Singaporeans don't crave radical change, says Warren Fernandez, foreign editor of the Straits Times newspaper and a committee member.

Singapore censors arts and culture, banning foreign imports with sexual or political content.

But public spending on the arts has risen steadily - two new arts centers have opened since 2002 - and local arts groups have been allowed slightly more latitude to probe social taboos. Plays like "Bent," an award-winning British portrayal of gay oppression under Nazi rule, have been staged to local acclaim. While the government outlaws homosexual acts and gay and lesbian associations, it has begun hiring openly gay people and a small gay sommunity has taken root.

Issues of race and politics are more sensitive and will often raise the hackles of government censors, say performers.

"For every production that seems to be making headway in pushing forward the boundaries, there's another that gets its wrists slapped or funding pulled," says Beatrice Chia, artistic director of Toy Factory, a theater group. "It feels like we are still on negotiating ground."

Some observers reckon that Singapore's gradual easing of social controls will eventually spur political reforms, even if the government seems reluctant to let go for now. Fernandez says the public is more willing now to criticize government policy - particularly if it hurts their pockets. His paper was flooded last year with letters bemoaning a fare hike on city buses, forcing flustered bureaucrats to defend their actions. Fares have held steady this year, he notes.

"Our politicians realize that politics in Singapore will change and they have to adapt to a new generation," he says. "People are more educated, they travel more, and they are exposed to the world."

This idea of a slow political evolution guided from above strikes a chord with many Asian leaders, who argue that Western models of democracy don't always work well. Economic prosperity doesn't necessarily mean that people will agitate for US-style electoral politics, provided leaders earn legitimacy by performing well in office.

However, analysts point out that the spread of democracy in Asia hasn't followed this evolutionary trend. Authoritarian governments have fallen after popular pressure forced the pace of change, often fueled by bloody revolts. In the Philippines, dictator Ferdinand Marcos stepped down in 1986 amid massive demonstrations, and Indonesia's Suharto made a similar exit in 1998.

"Countries like Taiwan and South Korea have moved in the direction of multiparty politics and dynamic democracy, and we're still left with one-party dominance," says Russell Heng, a senior fellow at Singapore's Institute of Southeast Asia Studies.

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