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Edwards's bid to woo, and win, South
Senator tests pickup-truck strategy, going to small towns in bid to slow Kerry's momentum in primaries.
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At the same time, Dr. Fitzgerald continues, Edwards can't escape his main liability: a link to trial lawyers. "Independents aren't enthusiastic about lawyers." Indeed, Republicans have labeled Edwards an "ambulance-chaser" for his multimillion dollar personal-injury lawsuits against corporations.
And for all his charm, Edwards's pitch can be a tough sell in regions that lean decidedly conservative.
In Alton, Va., as Stan Morphew looks across his hundreds of plowed acres and ponders Edwards's gambit, his eyebrows arch. The burly farmer in Dickie overalls is skeptical about Edwards's plan to win breaks for the poor: "Around here, people still believe they can lift themselves up, and a lot of them don't think the Democrats want them to be successful - instead, they want them dependent on the government."
Traveling 650 miles a day, Edwards is careening over the Appalachias at a frantic clip. He's lagged in spending, rolling more on personal grit, and he's done it without resorting to negative campaigning - a strategy that has boosted his appeal among Democratic audiences, but has also hindered his ability to draw clear contrasts with front-runner Kerry. Edwards gets his biggest applause with lines about "the politics of hope."
He's an earnest learner who prepared for his Senate campaign by quietly attending party events and taking notes. But he's no country bumpkin: Critics of his Senate race said he downplayed his humble roots among suburban voters in Raleigh and Charlotte. Still, the charisma is potent, and polls show his favorability skyrocketing after events.
In burgs like Virgilina, a crossroads ringed by clod-ridden clay fields and sandy plains, its landmarks the creaky church towers and tiny Town Hall, Edwards's message of small-town redemption hits its truest notes. "Edwards doesn't say 'have-nots,' he doesn't say 'small' or 'meek' or 'the weak' - he just says it's the rich and then there's everybody else," says Dr. Schaller. "So you can see people leaning up in their seats, thinking, 'I'm in Category B.' That's the real power of that message."
In nearby South Boston, Va., says Mr. Morphew, nearly half the populace is without a high school diploma - fertile ground for Edwards, who resonates among voters without secondary education. Scratching his bushy goatee, Morphew says that, were he to vote Democratic, Edwards would be his choice. For one thing, he's "straightforward," Morphew says. "Plus, I like his drawl."
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