Sudan shifts from pariah to partner

Whatever the truth, Eltayeb - who is critical of the Sudanese government - was dismayed to see how the bombing helped the regime, which had been facing growing unrest.

Nonetheless, the polemics - and political dynamics - began to shift. The US bombing "played a role in the maturation of the government's thinking in terms of how they fit into the strategic realities of the world," says a senior Western diplomat in Khartoum. The government, observers say, began to see the costs of its extremism. A power struggle between pragmatists and Islamists ensued. By 2001, Bashir had imprisoned Turabi, the cleric. "When Turabi was away, it was a chance to start a new page" in relations with the Western world, says the current information minister, Al-Zahawi Ibrahim Malek.

Meanwhile, the Bush team had come into power. It was being pressured by Christian conservatives and African- Americans to try to end Sudan's 20-year civil war, a conflict between rebel southerners, who practice Christianity and traditional African religions, and northerners, who are largely Muslim. Some American groups viewed the war as Muslims inflicting "genocide" on Christians.

On Sept. 6, 2001, with big fanfare, President Bush appointed former Missouri Sen. John Danforth as his Sudan peace envoy. Five days later, as the World Trade Center smoldered, rumors swirled in Khartoum that the US was blaming Sudan - and would strike here again. "Sudan's government made a tactical decision after 9/11 that they were done with the kind of terror they'd been involved in," says John Prendergast, an Africa specialist at the International Crisis Group in Washington.

Since then, America has continued to push hard for peace, in part to stabilize a chaotic, potential terror incubator. The White House hoped to have a deal in time for Bush's State of the Union address last week. And this month, the parties signed a wealth-sharing agreement that will split oil revenues 50-50. But the talks are now stalled over three small disputed regions.

Still, many here doubt the motives behind the pro-US shift. Turabi is now an opposition leader who calls for democracy. But many Sudanese now see him as an opportunist who's not to be trusted.

Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad still have offices here. And in November the US embassy closed for several days amid a "credible threat" of attack. "There is still some water here for those fish to swim in," the Western diplomat says of terror- inclined fundamentalists.

Yet analysts say the nearby war with Iraq may have reminded Bashir of his vulnerability as a Muslim dictator. There are other reasons to make peace, too. Sudan exports about 250,000 barrels of oil per day, creating about $2 billion in revenues last year. Stability could bring production up to 500,000 barrels a day.

Meanwhile, things are looking up for Eltayeb, the factory owner. As he recently milled around a reception at the elegant home of the American chargé d'affairs, eating shish kebabs and chatting with guests, he felt he - and his country - had finally been legitimized in the American realm. Speaking about the food - and the moment - he says, "It was delicious."

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