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Behind Israel's siege mentality

A string of diplomatic and physical attacks this month leaves Israelis feeling alone.



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By Nicole Gaouette, Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor / October 31, 2003

JERUSALEM

Israel's first prime minister had little time for world opinion, at one point dismissing the United Nations by in Hebrew as 'nothing' "Um shmum" David Ben-Gurion once said, "the important thing is not what the world says, but what we do."

In the 1990s, the Oslo peace process offered Israel a break from that defiant posture, engendering goodwill for the country and its leaders. But three years of conflict with the Palestinians have left Israelis feeling more isolated than ever.

From grassroots to government, Israelis say that apart from the US, the world condemns them even as they defend themselves. Analysts say this sense of victimization prompts greater defiance of world opinion, deepens Israel's sense of alienation, and could prolong conflict here.

"Many people feel that no matter what Israel will do, a large part of the world will turn on her," says Judith Baumel, a historian at Bar Ilan University outside Tel Aviv. "Furthermore, the feeling of 'no matter what we do' is definitely becoming public policy. The government feels as if the world is against Israel and the only country that matters is the United States. Hence, as long as you don't offend the American administration, you can do what you want in terms of self defense."

Israelis discussing this sense of alienation point to:

• Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad's descriptions this month of Jews as "creatures" who "rule the world" as examples of rising anti-Semitism;

• Two October votes at the UN censuring Israel for its security barrier, which it considers a defensive measure;

• Anti-Israel discrimination, especially at universities;

• A gap between Israeli and international perspectives on the conflict.

Criticism of the security barrier strikes a particular chord. A combination of obstacles that will eventually run 210 miles, the barrier is meant to prevent West Bank suicide bombers from entering Israel. It raises international concern because it deviates from the 1948 Green Line that separates the West Bank and Israel proper, plunging into Palestinian territory to such an extent that it causes humanitarian and economic hardship and could make a future peace deal more difficult.

While critics see the barrier as an elaborate land grab, for trauma-scarred Israelis it is simply a safety measure and there is massive support for the project. In this environment, barrier criticism sounds like the worst kind of political hypocrisy to Israelis.

"People have the tendency to link opposition to the fence to a growing delegitimization of Israel or a legitimization of terrorism," says Shmuel Bar, a senior fellow at the Institute for Policy and Strategy in Herzilya. He makes a comparison commonly heard here, citing the lack of international outcry about the wall dividing Protestants and Catholics in Belfast, Ireland.

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