Havel era ends in Czech Republic

In the West, Havel has been elevated to the status of a fairy-tale hero, the pen that proved mightier than the communist sword. He was granted a private audience with the Pope, received dozens of honorary doctorates, and, with a super-human schedule, made 227 state visits to foreign countries.

But the Havel whom Czechs see is a much more human figure, with plenty of faults and idiosyncrasies.

After spending nearly five years in prison - for organizing demonstrations against the Soviet occupation of Czechoslovakia - Havel was introduced to wider Czech society when the main Communist newspaper Rude Pravo published a major article in the late 1980s labeling him a danger to society and an enemy of the state. His writings were banned, which made them instantly popular among discontented Czechs.

Havel was thrust into the center of a revolution led by artists and actors. A few months later, the Communist regime collapsed, and Havel was one of the few topics that the new factions could agree on. Massive demonstrations demanded that he ascend to the castle, and an election followed that sent the dissident in blue jeans to the top.

Havel had no political or diplomatic training and, as a result, the first years of his presidency were marked by a charming unorthodoxy. He appointed Frank Zappa honorary culture attaché, let his secretaries ride a bright red child's scooter to get from one end of the vast Prague castle to the other, and invited the Dalai Lama to Prague - and spent hours meditating with him.

Chafing at the protocols and formalities of office, the new leader was known for giving his bodyguards the slip, on one occasion going to meet the Rolling Stones at the Prague Airport. Havel confided n 1990 to Mr. Hybek, "I would gladly exchange one day of presidency for a whole year back in prison."

Havel resigned the presidency of Czechoslovakia to protest the country's breakup, which was orchestrated by Czech and Slovak nationalist politicians in 1992. But he agreed to serve as president of the new Czech Republic the following year when the public demanded his return.

As Havel conceded, the nation needed him. For most of his political career, Havel's domestic approval-ratings hovered at a staggering 80 percent. Only in recent years have they fallen to around half, and the foremost reason given on the street is that "the poor old fellow needs a break."

However, Havel has made a few enemies by liberally granting pardons, often justifying them on religious grounds. And he offended some by remarrying just a year after the death of his first wife, who was deeply admired by the public. He has also left many of his old allies by the wayside, as he "grew up" politically, gradually taking on the trappings of office and surrounding himself with political professionals.

"Havel forgot his old friends," Hybek says. "It will be very hard or impossible for him to ever go back. The people who are attached to him now are out for political gain and that is now the atmosphere of the presidency and the succession."

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