Saudi Arabia's quiet voices of reform start to speak up

A vigorous debate is taking place in the media here over education reform, starting with the recent unification of girls' and boys' schooling under the Education Ministry. Women are now entitled to apply for their own identity cards. Companies with more than 100 employees are allowed to form workers' unions. Imams have been told to tone down their radical sermons.

Regional politics, along with Saudi Arabia's struggling economy and young population - 70 percent are under 30 - are feeding the reform movement by fueling demand for a political voice, says Professor Dakheel.

That clash worries Hamad, who believes the risks of ignoring political reform could lead to radicalism. "Ten years ago when we asked for civil reform we had a lot of youths following us, but because the government was very tough we lost them," he says. "If they can't express themselves legitimately then they will do it underground. This is a formula for breeding extremism."

Yet talk of political reform is complex because it poses a threat to the government, says Dakheel. "They are enjoying social and political prestige in this country, and don't want to lose it."

Prince Abdullah bin Faisal bin Turki al-Abdullah al-Saud, head of the Saudi Arabian General Investment Authority, is open about the need for economic reform but more coy about reshaping politics.

"I generally believe that we don't have a deep political problem," he says. "What we question always is the management of things and the things that affect the dignity of daily life. If governments perform well and people have hope and they have credibility, fine. Otherwise, people start questioning the possibilities of political change. So far the Saudis, I think, are not [asking] these political questions. But how long will that be so?"

Hamad emphasizes that change must come slowly, and he does not advocate overthrowing the royal family or religious nature of Saudi society - all members of the group are deeply religious.

"The royal family and the religious establishment are two safety valves for this society," he says. "They ensure society does not resort to chaos. Very fast reform is not recommended. We need to take it step by step so society understands and accepts the need to move towards a civilized society with all that implies."

The point, says Dakheel, is that the government must encourage different points of view. "Let's maintain this alliance between the House of Saud and the religious establishment. Offering alternatives does not mean you have to break up this relationship. No one is asking to do away with religion here but religion is not confined to one perspective. Any religion is open to different perspectives," he says.

The first step, says Hamad, is to teach Saudis how to ask peacefully for political participation.

The next task is to convert existing institutions, such as the consultative assembly called the Majlis Shura, from government-appointed posts to elected ones with legislative powers, says Mohaissen.

"This will help teach Saudis what it means to be a citizen because this idea is not yet well understood by our society," he says.

Mohaissen hopes his children can benefit from the group's pioneering ideas. But he is concerned lest hese steps be viewed by Saudi citizens as a response to American criticism.

"There has to be an understanding that this is not a consequence of pressure from the US but is coming from inside the society itself," says Mohaissen. "If reform is seen as being directed by America, then it will very quickly backfire."

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