Don of a new era

"Read this, and then he'll [Rumsfeld] come talk to you," the aide says. Fluent in Spanish, the reporter translates aloud the first few lines, which sing Rumsfeld's praises.

"See!" Rumsfeld grins mischievously when he appears a few minutes later, waving the article. "It says I have a human side! I've only been here a day and they know me better than you do!"

Joking and sparring with the media is something this Defense secretary relishes more than most - but the friendly banter also has a clear strategic purpose.

Serving up deft put-downs and repartees peppered with homespun exclamations like "golly" and "dadburned," Rumsfeld has emerged as the administration's most skilled and televised voice for the war on terror.

Virtually overnight, Rumsfeld - with his rimless glasses, piercing look, and blunt use of the verb "kill" - became the public face of the war. It's a role he'll likely repeat if the US attacks Iraq - and how he handles it could shape American and world perceptions of the conflict. In the front-and-center job, he'll follow his own advice: "Invest the political capital to marshal support to sustain the effort for whatever period of time may be required."

The role reflects one of Rumsfeld's most firmly held beliefs about democracy: the idea that a well-informed public - the "educated citizens" of Adlai Stevenson's 1954 Princeton address - will find its way to the right decisions.

In a little-known act as a young congressman in 1966, Rumsfeld embraced Stevenson's "magnificent gamble" in a speech on the House floor, urging passage of the Freedom of Information Act. " 'A popular government without popular information or the means of acquiring it, is but a prologue to a farce or a tragedy, or perhaps both,' " Rumsfeld said, quoting James Madison.

Still, the Pentagon is far from a bastion of openness under Rumsfeld, who is as good at selectively withholding information as he is at managing his message.

He's drawn criticism for secretiveness and a strenuous effort to control the flow of information from his Pentagon podium. Leaks on Iraq-invasion scenarios in recent months infuriated him, and in August he ordered the FBI to investigate. But underlying his domineering style is a fierce patriotic bent as well as a desire to have the nation trust its leaders to do the job.

On some of the most sensitive topics arising in the war - military commissions and the treatment of detainees, civilian casualties, and the ill-fated Office of Strategic Influence (OSI) - Rumsfeld has welcomed informed debate, but dismissed much outcry over civil liberties as alarmist.

"Oh my goodness gracious, isn't that terrible, Henny Penny, the sky is going to fall!" he said en route to Chile in November, mimicking what he considered to be inflammatory editorials and cartoons related to the alleged disinformation plans of OSI, the short-lived office for shaping opinion that he shut down in February.

"I said ... if you want to savage this thing, fine, I'll give you the corpse." But, he added defiantly, "I'm gonna keep doing everything that needs to be done, and I have."

Rumsfeld likewise brushes aside concerns about a planned Pentagon computer surveillance system, designed to mine data around the world. The media should have more trust in government, he suggests. "Anyone with any concern ought to be able to sleep well tonight," he says in a fatherly tone. "Nothing terrible is going to happen."

And when all else fails, Rumsfeld has perfected another signature technique: the ability to keep mum - and deflect criticism - while getting the media to laugh about it.

A typical exchange goes like this one Nov. 14:

Reporter: Mr. Secretary, is bin Laden alive or dead apparently, now? And if he is alive, is the United States winning the war on terrorism?

Rumsfeld: Charlie, the answer to the question, 'Is he alive or dead' - the answer is, 'Yes, he is alive or dead.'

(Laughter.)

Rumsfeld: Thank you very much!

Page: 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5