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51/49 nation: big swings from tiny shifts

Minor switches, rather than a fundamental voter realignment, gave Republicans victory.

(Page 2 of 2)



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Their were positive aspects of the vote for Democrats. They won governor's races in some key states, including Michigan and Pennsylvania. More than half the US population live in states with a Democratic chief executive. Democratic victories in such contests as the South Dakota and Arkansas Senate races allow the party to argue that it was local conditions, not a national trend, that drove election outcomes.

But this is America. Majority rules. The shift in national opinion about the parties may have been from 50-50 to 52-48, using Senate seats as a rough guide. Statistically-speaking, that's insignificant. But speaking of power, that's enough. "We started with dead even and we moved slightly off of dead even," says David Rohde, a congressional expert at Michigan State University in East Lansing. "And it matters a lot that we made that move."

But unlike 1994, the shift in power in Congress does not carry with it a clear mandate, for either legislatures or the White House, argues Mr. Rohde. Many issues were of clear importance in the vote, from the economy to the war on terrorism to Iraq. "The problem is voters care about all these issues – and not necessarily in the same direction," says Rohde.

Division in Davie

That was apparent in the south Florida town of Davie, a small Western-style town whose ranch-style buildings have earned it the nickname of Cowboy City. Even the local McDonald's looks like a saloon straight out of a John Wayne movie.

While surrounding Broward County is known as a haven for Democrats, political lines in Davie are about as evenly split as you can get. On election day, voters in Davie precincts cast 583 ballots for incumbent GOP governor Jeb Bush, and 649 for his (unsuccessful) Democratic challenger Bill McBride.

A number of interviewees said they did not vote the way they were registered. Michael Podabinski, a bricklayer and registered Republican, voted for the GOP in down-ballot races but chose Democrat McBride for governor. "I don't think that [Jeb] Bush did anything spectacular for us," said Mr. Podabinski. "I don't care for either candidate, so I picked the lesser of two evils."

Robert Salconie, a registered Independent, also voted for McBride, albeit for different reasons. "There was fraud in the last presidential election," he said.

By contrast, registered Independent Raul Sopelo decided to vote for the person who could get the most done in office. For him, that meant Jeb Bush.

"A governor with a brother in the White House has much more power to exercise his agenda," said Mr. Sopelo, who was accompanied at the polls by his two young daughters and Punchy, his miniature Doberman.

Linda Spiers, a healthcare worker, voted for Bush despite longstanding loyalty to Democrats. "No person in four years can make the progress that is expected," said Ms. Spiers from behind oversized sunglasses. "Bush has made an effort and overall is a good person."

The risk for Republicans

For Republicans the good news is that they are now in charge of the national levers of power. The bad news is also that they are in charge. They now have ownership of the nation's direction. If something goes badly – if the economy continues to sag, or the nation faces further setbacks in the terror war – voters could exact revenge in 2004, when Bush himself will likely be on the ticket.

"All that has to happen is for things to go badly... People are prepared to take out their frustrations on the party in power even when they don't think the party in power is responsible [for what went wrong]," says Rohde.

Still, Democrats will face their own built-in disadvantages in 2004. The party will have nine Senators up for reelection in states that tend to vote for Republicans. The GOP will have three seats up in states that tend the other way.

Furthermore, the Democratic national leadership corps is now depleted. The only national figure in the party untouched by this week's losses is arguably Al Gore, who lost last time around. Brookings Institution analyst Paul Light says the Democrats look like a tired, old party. The next election "could be a 1984 kind of scenario for Democrats, where you run the last of the old generation and go down in defeat and hope for 2008," says Mr. Light. Of course, 1984 was when Democrats ran Walter Mondale against Ronald Reagan and lost badly. Perhaps it says something about the lack of younger leaders that Mondale was on the ballot again this year.

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