A fight for the hearts and minds of Malaysia's Muslim majority
A leading opposition party with plans for Islamiclaw is slowly gaining support.
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In the 1950s and '60s, Aziz studied Islam at schools in India and Pakistan, and then moved on to Cairo, where he studied Islamic law. He continues to live in the same house where he was born. A battered car in the driveway testifies to his reputation for living modestly.Skip to next paragraph
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Though Aziz comes across as mild-mannered, his views are far from it. He has said women who wear short skirts or shirts that reveal their navel have only themselves to blame if they're raped, he doesn't think women should be allowed to work outside the home, and he favors government subsidies and aggressive programs to convert non-Muslims.
In two of Malaysia's 13 states, Aziz's attempt to turn back the clock is already under way. In Kelantan and Terengannu, where PAS holds sway, he is fighting against the federal government for the introduction of Islamic law, or sharia, including the criminal code known as hudud, which calls for such extreme measures as the stoning of adulterers. Mahathir has vowed to block the legislation.
"They insult Islam by creating a set of laws that is supposedly Islamic but has no justice,'' he told a June press conference. "We are Islamic. They [PAS] are un-Islamic."
Aziz takes such attacks philosophically. He says he has no intention of taking the government head on pointing out that the federal state declared emergency powers and took over Kelantan in the late 1970s to foil another attempt at introducing Islamic law. "We won't allow ourselves to be put in that position again,'' he says. "The prime minister has been saying that if we have hudud, then the West will be against us. But they're already against us!"
While he hasn't won on Islamic law yet, the fact that his government is nominally an Islamic one is a point of great pride for Aziz. "We've achieved something few others have,'' he says. "We've managed to make Islam the basis of our government."
Despite this claim, someone from Saudi Arabia or Iran two Islamic states would probably feel disoriented on the streets of Kelantan and Terengannu, where Islamic symbolism has had a greater impact on daily life than has Islamic practice.
In the searing heat of Kota Bharu's bustling central market, most of the women are covered from head to toe. But a few holdouts can be seen in the crowd including a 20-something in platform shoes and a tiny T-shirt that says "Party Girl." She gets a few dirty looks as she totters across the square, but that's the extent of Muslim fury.
At The Store, a downtown supermarket, the only evidence of separate checkout lanes for men and women is signs that declare some lanes "for women only." Yet the cashiers are all women, and men and women freely mingle in line.
Nevertheless, residents say such restrictions have been gradually on the rise. The small Chinese minority are almost universally alarmed by the rise of PAS.
Evelyn Chua, whose family runs a hostel, Internet cafe, and restaurant catering to tourists, says the Islamic party's "crazy" restrictions have hurt business, and are infringing on individual rights. "No karaoke, no traditional dance, men and women can't swim in the same pool. This isn't the city I grew up in.''
Experts in Malaysia say that most Malays, in practice, are uncomfortable with the fundamentalist approach. "If those guys cut one Malay hand off, their support will evaporate, and they know it,'' says a political analyst in Kuala Lumpur.