'Mother Mega' leaves fans cold

Political analysts offer two explanations for her go-slow approach to political change. One is expediency: It has helped her co-opt potential enemies. But equally important is the nonconfrontational style of this shy, almost introverted national leader.

"Megawati doesn't like to make waves,'' says her occasional adviser Rizal Mallarengeng, a political scientist. "She's not the type to use the presidency as a bully pulpit."

Of all the things that have disappointed supporters, none have been as symbolic of the divide between early expectations and Megawati's actual leadership as her insistence that the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) support retired General Sutiyoso as governor of Jakarta. Sutiyoso is a Suharto-era holdover who was Jakarta's military commander when Megawati's then-opposition headquarters was overrun by soldiers in 1996. The government-backed attack not only left some 40 party members dead, but also galvanized national support for Megawati.

Megawati has cozied up to old enemies elsewhere, aligning her PDI-P with Golkar, Suharto's party. Recently, she ordered PDI-P leaders in the house to block a corruption investigation of Golkar chairman, Akbar Tandjung. Two Suharto-era generals are also among her closest advisors.

"We thought Mega was with the little people, but look at all the fat cats that are close to her now,'' says Bomo Sutarno, who earns $3 a day selling fried rice from a battered street cart. "She's letting them off the hook while a lot of people are still hungry."

There have been some successes. The economy may grow as much as 4 percent this year after stagnating or shrinking during the last four. After initial reservations that Indonesia wasn't 'politically mature' enough, Megawati has thrown her weight behind a constitutional amendment allowing for direct presidential elections. Her ministers have improved relations with the IMF, and she has deftly played on US concerns that Indonesia could become a terrorist haven to win more aid.

But even Mr. Mallarengeng says she may not have what it takes to grapple with the problems that still face this archipelago. 'She's good at being a symbol, but she's not so good at being a leader of the government.'' he says. 'Leadership wasn't something she ever prepared herself for.''

Observers say strong leadership is something Indonesia needs badly. From Sumatra in the west to Papua in the east, the Indonesian archipelago consists of roughly 15,000 islands that stretch as far as London to Baghdad. Along that length more than 100 languages are spoken.

Suharto's rule was highly centralized. When he fell, he released three decades of anger, fueling communal violence, demands for less national interference in provincial affairs, and separatism in Aceh and Papua.

Mr. Winters predicts Indonesia's current stability will prove fleeting in the absence of vigorous political and economic reform. "The picture is one of steady, slow decline."

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