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In crisis, Israel rallies behind settlers
This week, amid renewed US demands that Israel freeze the building of Jewish settlements in the occupied territories, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon resolutely told his cabinet that he would not even discuss the matter until the elections in November 2003.
He is not alone in this stand. Most Israelis, according to recent polls, believe that now is not the time for any such compromise on settlements. Settlers, meanwhile, are busy saying "we told you so."
"The only way to have security is through force," says Michael Bukchin, a resident of the Jewish settlement Yitzhar, three miles from Nablus. "Force and facts on the ground. It has taken a long time to convince the people of Israel of this. Luckily [Palestinian Authority President Yasser] Arafat helped us get that message across."
The son of a Holocaust survivor, Mr. Bukchin was born in Tel Aviv and became Orthodox later in life. He has a master's degree in human resource management from Columbia University in New York, six young children, a long gray beard, and a love of fast motorcycles. He moved to the West Bank 11 years ago because, he says, he was "sick of hectic modern society" and looking for "some clean country living." Ideology, of course, also played a part. "This is my land. Why shouldn't I live here?" he asks. The last vacation he took was to the Gaza Strip. "I like the beach there," he says and grins.
There are some 210,000 Jewish settlers living in 140 settlements in the West Bank and Gaza Strip areas captured by Israel from Jordan and Egypt in the 1967 war. Some of the settlers including many recent immigrants from Russia moved here for the subsidized low-cost housing and have indicated they would leave if offered financial compensation. But about two-thirds, the so-called ideological group, live here out of a conviction that it is their obligation to protect Israel's historic and biblical right to the "Greater Land of Israel."
By settling in scattered outposts, cities, and villages among the approximate 3.3 million Palestinians in the occupied territories a move that has been either encouraged or tolerated by every Israeli government since 1967 the settlers have created "facts on the ground" and succeeded in becoming a serious obstacle to creating a geographically contiguous future Palestinian state.
"The Bible says this is our homeland. This is my birthright. If not here, where else can I live?" asks Bukchin. "I have no other place. Every other place I go, you kill me, you murder me, you burn me. We have to do what we have to do. We have to stay here, and we have to fight for what we believe in. Especially when we know it's right."
Nestled into the Samarian mountains, and overlooking scattered Palestinian villages on every side, Yitzhar consists of 90 family homes, two kindergartens, two synagogues, a grocery store, a small yeshiva, one paved road, and barracks for the small unit of soldiers stationed there to protect the residents. Armored school buses cart the older children to classes in a nearby, larger settlement. Few outsiders come to visit. A new cemetery just outside the iron gates of the entrance contains three fresh graves of residents, all killed by Palestinian gunmen.
"We don't have a fence around Yitzhar, and I feel secure partly because of that," Bukchin says. "When you put up a fence, you are telling the Arabs they can come up to the fence. But when you don't have a fence, you are claiming that everything is forbidden for them."
If he sees an Arab "closer than we want them to come," he warns, "we give them signals." Bukchin, like almost every single adult resident in Yitzhar, has a gun license.
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