Panama: historic haven for political exiles

When asked what taking in the world's exiled troublemakers has in it for Panama, three separate sources answered succinctly, "Money." The best proof of that is probably Mr. Serrano, who fled Guatemala in 1993 after trying to close down Congress.

Already a successful land developer before becoming president, Serrano is putting the finishing touches on a luxury residential development and polo club in Panama City. He also owns a string of fast-food restaurants whose name roughly translates as "The Country Chicken."

Yet for the most part - and despite the boisterous Bucaram's reputation - Panama's crop of exiled leaders live quiet if comfortable lives, spending a good part of their time on the golf course.

Panama still earns praise for the role its open-door policy has played in defusing prickly political conflicts. "There's no doubt that Panama's willingness to take in Cedrs facilitated a solution of the Haitian crisis," says Robert Pastor, a Latin America specialist at Emory University in Atlanta who was part of former President Jimmy Carter's negotiating team in the 1994 conflict. "Panama made an essential contribution to resolving a serious conflict for the hemisphere."

Panama also heard "thank you" from the US when it offered the shah a home on the Pacific island of Contadora - reportedly the island's very best residence. The shah's presence in the US after his flight from Iran was proving to be a political problem for then-President Carter. "So the Panamanian idea was that taking in the shah would improve our standing with the US," says Juan Antonio Tack, a former Panamanian foreign minister. "But I don't think it really made any difference."

Accepting Haiti's Cedrs was based on the same assumption, Mr. Tack adds, "but you can't point to any benefit in terms of our relations with the United States."

In any case, Panama's days as a political haven may be limited, especially if democracy continues to strengthen in Latin America.

"Panama and Latin America are still in a transition, but as democracy's roots grow deeper and demands for accountability increase, people won't accept their transgressing leaders' getting away, and Panama will no longer want to take in the scoundrels," says Mr. Pastor.

It's worth pointing out that even though all eyes turned to Panama when Paraguay's Mr. Oviedo and Mexico's Mr. Villanueva and Espinosa disappeared, none of them turned up here. And there's little to suggest Panama would want them.

Panama's case is similar to Switzerland's as a haven for foreign bank accounts, he adds. "Just as Switzerland is finding that role becoming harder, so will Panama find that its particular role as a haven isn't sustainable."

Former Minister Tack says there's nothing inherently wrong with accepting leaders in exile, but he specifies that "Panama should do this on the merits of each individual case," and not thinking in terms of any benefits.

"Any money these people might bring with them may make some local friends happy," he says, "but it doesn't do much for the country."

(c) Copyright 2000. The Christian Science Publishing Society

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